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Politicization and Self-Censorship in the Russian Media

Prospects for Development

Some observers find grounds for optimism in Russia's present media landscape. There is, after all, pluralism in the media, in contrast to the Soviet period (and indeed to the current situation in several former Soviet republics). True, different points of view are usually not found within individual print or electronic media outlets. But since no one political or financial group has a media monopoly, there is, in the view of one Russian journalist, "a peculiar freedom of information." If one reads half a dozen newspapers a day and watches a variety of television networks, one gets a fairly accurate picture of the news.(36)

However, this argument assumes that readers or viewers have the time and the inclination to seek out many news sources. It is more likely that the current situation will fuel public cynicism about the media. Investigative reporting in particular is likely to be viewed as "commissioned" by financial backers. Newspaper circulation rates have, not surprisingly, continued to decline, (37) as there is little interest in reading thinly-veiled propaganda of a large bank or corporation.

Others find grounds for optimism in the values held by certain Russian journalists, who recognize the need for professionalism and fair play. During the 1996 campaign, media observer Alexei Pankin described such journalists as "frustrated anti-communists," who disliked Zyuganov but were mortified by the heavy-handed methods adopted by their employers and colleagues.(38) In the current media environment, such journalists may seek to protect their independence by avoiding contentious political or economic issues or by switching employers.

However, ownership ties leave journalists little room to maneuver, and the financial dependency of virtually every media outlet means that journalists who switch jobs to avoid censorship may quickly run up against similar constraints. Leonid Krutakov left "Izvestiya" not long after he co-wrote the article about the suspicious $3 million bank loan granted to Chubais. He went to work for "Novye izvestiya," a new paper founded by former "Izvestiya" editor Golembiovskii. But Krutakov was fired before that paper began regular publication, after he published an article attacking Berezovskii in "Moskovskii komsomolets." Berezovskii is reportedly a financial backer of "Novye izvestiya."(39)

Another optimistic view holds that media owners will come to value their assets as potentially profitable enterprises. They will realize that credibility with consumers holds the key to profits, and that the trust of readers and viewers can only be gained by giving journalists the freedom to report the news objectively.

However, such considerations are likely to be outweighed by the allure of being able to influence upcoming parliamentary and presidential elections, scheduled for 1999 and 2000. Journalists are virtually certain to be drafted to support the "right" candidate and lure voters away from the "wrong" one, although the choice in the next presidential election will be less clear-cut than in 1996.

Some Russian journalists will be eager to serve as advocates during the next presidential campaign. Yegor Yakovlev, the editor of the weekly "Obshchaya gazeta," slammed the pro-Yeltsin propaganda in 1996 (he supported Yavlinskii and voted against both Yeltsin and Zyuganov in the second round of that election). Yet he has since remarked that the most important task for Russian journalists over the next few years is to "prepare the public for the next [presidential] election."(40)

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special reports 1997

A paper by Laura Belin, a specialist on Russian affairs at Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. It was presented at the national conference of the American Association for the Advance- ment of Slavic Studies, Seattle, Washington, November 1997. The author can be contacted via email at laurabelin@mailexcite.com:

	Introduction
	Owners Attracted by Power of Media
	Media Squeezed by Market Realities
	How Financial Dependence Slants News Coverage
	The Impact of Media Coverage
	Prospects for Development
	Regional Media Even Less Free
	Conclusion
	Endnotes
	Appendix 1: Russian Media Empires
	Appendix 2: Changes in Editorial Policy and Ownership at 'Izvestiya'