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Some voters in Turkmenistan's local and municipal elections complained that they knew very little about the candidates. (file photo)
Some voters in Turkmenistan's local and municipal elections complained that they knew very little about the candidates. (file photo)

Turkmenistan held elections for local and city councils on November 23.

Not surprisingly, they did not receive much media coverage or generate much interest -- after all, Turkmenistan is a country that had 51 candidates running for 50 seats in the 1994 parliamentary elections. (I always felt kind of sorry for the lone loser in that "race," whatever his or her name was.)

Nothing much has changed in Turkmenistan's political and electoral system in the two decades since then -- aside from some cosmetic changes.

RFE/RL's Turkmen Service, known locally as Azatlyk, spoke with some of Turkmenistan's eligible voters on election day to gauge the level of excitement.

And remember, according to Turkmen election officials, the turnout was 92.76 percent.

A woman in the western Balkan Province said she did not vote.

Asked why she had chosen not to participate in the electoral process, the woman said she had no idea who any of the candidates in her region were. "They have not been out in public. Even in the newspapers, we don't see anything about their plans, their achievements. We don't know them. We don't even know their names," she added.

The woman said she was not the only person in her area who had decided to pass on voting. "There's not much interest. There are entire families who don't go to cast ballots," she said.

But the woman also noted that the entire family did not need to go. Asked if she knew of anyone voting on behalf of an entire family, one of the most prevalent violations in Central Asian elections, the woman replied, "Yes, all the time."

On the other side of Turkmenistan, in the eastern Lebap Province, one man said he did not vote because he was not in his registered district of residence. But he said he had been walking around and passed by some of the polling stations. He said he did not see anyone at the polls until several hours after voting started at 6 a.m. and that over the next few hours he saw only small groups occasionally making their way into polling stations to vote.

The man noted that even the concerts local authorities sponsored outside polling stations did not seem to persuade many people to come and cast ballots.

"They use to give out free food [on election day]," the man said.

OK. Those people were in eastern and western Turkmenistan. Perhaps in the capital, Ashgabat, there was a bit more action?

Sure enough, Azatlyk found a man in Ashgabat who had voted.

Asked what he saw at the polling station, the man replied, "There were some people there [voting], a few." He said one man came and cast votes for himself and "five or six members of his family."

Asked if he knew ahead of time whom he would vote for, the man said he had no idea who any of the candidates were and only learned their names and some information about them from short biographies he received upon arriving at the polling station.

Azatlyk inquired how the man chose whom to vote for, if he did not know any of the candidates.

"I pick the people who have the most humble positions, a teacher or a worker at the local gas distribution plant," he said.

Very proletarian.

One other man from Ashgabat spoke briefly with Azatlyk, saying he had not voted and did not see any reason to do so. He said the whole election process was "staged" and that he, too, had no idea who any of the candidates from his region were.

It's true. Making fun of Turkmenistan's elections is like shooting fish in a barrel. But the November 23 regional and local polls in Turkmenistan are the start of a series of elections in Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan over the next 13 months.

The Turkmen poll might be an extreme example of a dubious electoral process in Central Asia, but there are sure to be plenty of questionable election practices to observe in neighboring states in the months to come.

-- Bruce Pannier, with contributions from Muhammad Tahir of RFE/RL's Turkmen Service

An Eid al-Fitr celebration in Tashkent (file photo)
An Eid al-Fitr celebration in Tashkent (file photo)

Islam has been the dominant religion in Central Asia for nearly 1,300 years. For about three-quarters of the last 100 years, Islam -- and religion in general -- was essentially outlawed in Central Asia, since the region was part of the Soviet Union.

Of course Islam never totally vanished under Soviet rule, but its influence was greatly reduced. The collapse of the Soviet Union heralded an awakening of the desire of Central Asia's Muslim peoples to reacquaint themselves with their religion and rejoin the greater Islamic world.

This desire has been interpreted differently by those outside the region, and there are some who see Central Asia as a region at risk of becoming something of a second Afghanistan and a land where Muslims become radicalized. It's a concern heightened by the knowledge that Central Asia is the northern frontier of the Islamic world, meaning Central Asia's problems don't spill over into a neighboring Muslim country, they spill into Russia and China.

RFE/RL's Turkmen Service hosted a roundtable (audio below) to discuss the credibility of an Islamic threat in Central Asia, the chances of the region moving from secular governments to Islamic governments or the possible relationships between secular governments and the region's traditional religion, and the extent to which it is possible to foster radical religious sentiment in a region still reacquainting itself with Islam after decades of separation.

Muhammad Tahir, the director of RFE/RL's Turkmen Service, moderated the panel. Participating in the discussion were: Dr. John Heathershaw of Exeter University in England; Dr. Emil Juraev of the American University in Bishkek; RFE/RL's Uzbek Service director Alisher Sidikov; and, of course, I said some things.

Sidikov recalled that when Uzbekistan was a Soviet republic, it was impossible to openly include the usually obligatory Islamic rituals in family events such as births, weddings, funerals, and memorial services. Such restrictions left many Muslims in Central Asia disconnected from their religion when the Soviet Union collapsed.

But they were anxious to rediscover Islam once they had an opportunity.

However, living under communism for more than seven decades had changed Central Asia's Muslims. Even today, they are different from other Muslims.

Heathershaw noted that after 1941, Soviet policy toward religion eased somewhat but authorities still tried to keep tight control over religion and redirect its focus. In the case of Muslims in Central Asia, this involved subordinating connections to the religion. "In the Soviet case, [it was about] attaching religious identity to national identity -- so religious identity drops, secondary to national identity. To be Kyrgyz is to be Muslim. To be Tajik is to be Muslim."

Knowledge of the religion declined over decades of Soviet rule. And while this was true for the population in general, Juraev pointed out it was most noticeable among officials, particularly heads of state. Most officials in the early years after independence had formerly worked for the Soviet-era government. Suddenly they found themselves attending mosque and meeting publicly with Islamic clerics.

In one of the most dramatic cases, Uzbek President Islam Karimov, some four months removed from being first secretary of the Communist Party of the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic, went to the eastern city of Namangan to confront tens of thousands of antigovernment protesters. Many of the demonstrators were from Islamic groups, sparked into protest by the recent dismissals of local clerics.

Sidikov said Karimov was absolutely unprepared for that meeting with Islamic leaders in December 1991. Karimov wound up receiving a lecture on good governance from protest leaders, including Tohir Yuldash, then the leader of the local Adolat Islamic group but destined to become a leader of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) militants.

Publicly, Karimov vowed to make concessions to the protesters; but he never fulfilled any of the promises he made in Namangan and afterward came to see pious Muslims as a threat to his regime.

To varying degrees, all of Central Asia's leaders harbor this suspicion of deeply pious Muslims.

Heathershaw said such a view of Islam prejudices authorities' perceptions of a natural process. "Islamization and radicalization...are two separate things, and it's really important...not to confuse the two. There are forms of Islamization that can stay squarely within secularism."

Heathershaw said Central Asia currently has a society where Islamization of the population is taking place, and at the moment that poses little, if any, threat to the secular governments of the region. "In Central Asia, if we're talking about political articulations against the state, which is challenging the authority of the secular state, that is rare compared with other Muslim majority regions, and it's not at all clear that radicalization drops out of, or follows directly from, Islamization."

That is not to say there is no radical sentiment in Central Asia. Undeniably there are some 1,000 Central Asians fighting in the ranks of jihadist groups, notably the Islamic State group, in Syria and Iraq. (Central Asia's population is around 65 million.) Reports continue to emerge of smalls groups of Central Asians arriving in Syria and Iraq.

There could also be up to several thousand Central Asians in jihadist groups in Afghanistan and Pakistan, but many of these have been away from their homeland for years now, forgetting, at least for now, their original goal of toppling Central Asian governments while they focus on their new jihads.

Arguably, Central Asia's governments continue to provide the best recruiting incentives for potential Islamic radicals. Poor living standards, unemployment (remember: migrant laborers are coming home from sanctions-hit Russia), corruption, and injustice are issues any antigovernment group could tap into.

But the Central Asian governments' often clumsy attempts to control Islam in their countries target specifically Muslims. The tactic is as old as Islam in Central Asia. Khans and emirs tried to keep a very close and very public connection to Islam, understanding it was the greatest unifier for social discontent. Of course, the khans and emirs were schooled in Islam from childhood and usually did have strong bonds to the religion, something Central Asia's current leaders cannot claim.

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-- Bruce Pannier

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About This Blog

Qishloq Ovozi is a blog by RFE/RL Central Asia specialist Bruce Pannier that aims to look at the events that are shaping Central Asia and its respective countries, connect the dots to shed light on why those processes are occurring, and identify the agents of change.​

The name means "Village Voice" in Uzbek. But don't be fooled, Qishloq Ovozi is about all of Central Asia.

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