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Ethnic Turkmen by the Amu-Darya River in Qarqeen district of Afghanistan's Jowzjan Province (file photo)
Ethnic Turkmen by the Amu-Darya River in Qarqeen district of Afghanistan's Jowzjan Province (file photo)

Turkmenistan’s UN-recognized status as a neutral state may soon to be tested by events just over the border in Afghanistan. But for now, the Turkmen government is maintaining its policy of “positive neutrality,” certainly as concerns their ethnic kin: the Turkmen of Afghanistan.

The Afghan Turkmen are in a desperate situation and have been appealing to the Turkmen government for help, to no avail.

RFE/RL’s Turkmen Service, known locally as Azatlyk, has been following events along the Turkmen-Afghan order for more than a year as the situation there has deteriorated. Azatlyk recently received information from two areas in northern Afghanistan that sheds new light on events there.

First to Marchak, a district in Baghdis Province and a place Qishloq Ovozi has written about previously. It’s where the Taliban killed three Turkmen border guards in February 2014.

Already in March 2014, Marchak was surrounded on three sides by the Taliban; on the fourth side was the Murghab River and, across it, Turkmenistan. The Taliban was allowing elderly and very young males to leave occasionally to buy supplies for the village at the district center some 35 kilometers away.

That has changed.

The chief of the Marchak border post, Dowlet Maween, told Azatlyk that hardly anyone ever leaves anymore and, worse, although Marchak district is still officially under government control, the Taliban is strong enough in surrounding areas to demand ransoms from villagers. Maween said recently that the Taliban forced one village to pay 500,000 Afghanis ($8,700) after cutting off water to the village and preventing villagers from taking their herds out to graze. Maween claimed two months ago that the Taliban -- “by force” -- collected a combined 2 million Afghanis ($35,000) from several other villages and that the government couldn't prevent it.

Marchak residents seem to be eking out a living despite being cut off from the rest of Afghanistan, but access to medical care is a different matter. Maween said those who become seriously sick “have two options: Get treatment in the village or die.”

There is a third option and it involves Turkmenistan. Village leaders have asked local Turkmen officials across the border to allow Afghan Turkmen passage from Baghdis through Turkmenistan to the town of Turgundy in Herat Province.

Maween said he has made this request to officials in Turkmenistan several times and received promises that the request would be forwarded to officials higher up but as yet he had not received an answer. Maween told Azatlyk he was “begging for mercy” from officials in Ashgabat, particularly from President Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov, who “we consider to be president of all Turkmen.”

Further east, along a different river -- the Amu-Darya -- Afghan Turkmen have a different problem with Turkmenistan. Qishloq Ovozi has also previously written about the village of Qarqeen in Jowzjan Province, where the Turkmen are battling the Taliban and the migrating river, which has moved dozens of kilometers south in just a couple of generations, swallowing Afghan farmland and eventually leaving it on Turkmenistan’s side of the border as it continues pushing south.

Islands have been created in this process and the Afghan Turkmen of Qarqeen were taking their herds across the shallow water to one particularly large island that has grass and trees.

Recently, Turkmen border guards appeared on the island and started fencing it off and digging ditches without informing the Afghan side of the purpose of this work.

Qarqeen village elder Abdul Haliq Haji told Azatlyk that Turkmenistan first sent helicopters to chase away Qarqeen residents from the island and now will not allow any of the villagers to come near it.

According to Haji, the one-time owners of that land, before it was surrounded by water and became an island, are still paying taxes on the land to the Afghan government.

Haji said village elders have spoken with local border guard commanders from Turkmenistan who promised to look into the situation, “but nothing happened.”

Haji claimed there was a protest outside the Qarqeen district head’s office on February 26 that drew “nearly 10,000 people,” who were all demanding that Afghan authorities do something to solve the problem.

Resentment against Turkmenistan is growing in Qarqeen and Marchak, added to the resentment villagers there already have against their own government, which has paid little attention to their problems and seems incapable of helping them.

Such a situation plays into the hands of militant groups in the region, which are reportedly increasing in number, in part because of a recent wave of ethnic Uzbek militants from the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan. They have been chased back into Afghanistan by the Pakistani military’s offensive in the North Waziristan tribal area and are moving into areas of northern Afghanistan.

Qishloq Ovozi will be taking a look at that problem soon.

-- Bruce Pannier

Azatlyk Director Muhammad Tahir contributed to this report
Muslim men pray at a mosque in the Tajik village of Nurabad on the holy day of Eid al-Adha.
Muslim men pray at a mosque in the Tajik village of Nurabad on the holy day of Eid al-Adha.

Preliminary results in the latest rigged parliamentary elections in Tajikistan show the ruling People's Democratic Party of Tajikistan won another overwhelming victory.

But more importantly for the future, it was a defeat for the Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan (IRPT) and the unofficial end of the power-sharing deal that was part of the Tajik Peace Accord of June 1997. And that raises questions about the future of Islam in politics not only in Tajikistan but in all the former Soviet republics that now make up Central Asia.

That Islam will play a role in the politics of Central Asia is undeniable, and the 1997 peace agreement in Tajikistan was an experiment that proved to some extent that Islam could have a political role in a secular state.

Under that agreement the United Tajik Opposition, an interesting mixture of the IRPT, and democratic and nationalist groups, received 30 percent of the positions in government at all levels, from local to ministerial.

The IRPT became and remains the only Islamic party registered in all of Central Asia.

The formation of such a government was a complicated and tense process, but it took root; and by the time the Taliban was chased from power in neighboring Afghanistan in late 2001, there were some who suggested the Tajik model of government might well suit Afghanistan.

For the Muslims of Tajikistan, and to some extent the rest of Central Asia, who were pious but interested in politics, it was a perceived opportunity for an Islamic point of view to find a legitimate place in governance.

The Muslims who fought with weapons in hand during the civil war were able to shift their efforts to battles in local and regional councils and parliament.

People such as Said Abdullo Nuri, the original IRPT leader, his deputy Hoja Akbar Turajonzoda, and the capable wartime field commander Mirzo Ziyoyev all found places in the government. And they were far more "radical" than the current IRPT leadership.

The idea never really caught on in neighboring Central Asian states. The current state of Uzbek-Tajik ties really dates back to the Tajik peace deal, since Uzbek President Islam Karimov was absolutely against the Tajik government allowing the IRPT to share power and furious when the peace agreement was signed.

But the Tajik government of former military adversaries, Islamic and secular, was able to work together and pull the country out of the catastrophic situation the country was in when the war ended. Tajikistan is not a rich country, it probably never will be, but it is stable and has been for more than a decade and a half.

That stability is now at risk -- for no good reason, really. The IRPT had two of the 63 seats in parliament prior to the March 1 elections, nowhere near enough to influence the country's politics, but at least the party was represented in parliament.

And having two seats preserved the IRPT's hope that it could win more seats in future elections despite the many obstacles the party has faced and seem to suddenly face every time there are elections. Current IRPT leader Muhiddin Kabiri told me one week ago that he thought his party could win five seats in these latest elections.

The IRPT is the second-largest party in Tajikistan, so Kabiri's prediction was plausible even knowing the deck might be stacked against him, so to speak.

Now the IRPT has no place in government; and for the roughly 44,000 registered members of the party and the many thousands more who support the IRPT, many under 30 years old, this is going to be a problem.

Analysts have warned for years that by driving the opposition, both secular and religious, underground, Central Asian governments were creating radicalized groups.

The lack of any voice whatsoever for the IRPT in government, after 18 years, is likely to come back to haunt the Tajik government one day.

-- Bruce Pannier; Salimjon Aioubov and Tohir Safarov of RFE/RL's Tajik contributed to this report

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About This Blog

Qishloq Ovozi is a blog by RFE/RL Central Asia specialist Bruce Pannier that aims to look at the events that are shaping Central Asia and its respective countries, connect the dots to shed light on why those processes are occurring, and identify the agents of change.​

The name means "Village Voice" in Uzbek. But don't be fooled, Qishloq Ovozi is about all of Central Asia.

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