Qishloq Ovozi (Archive)

The western part of Kazakhstan has huge oil and gas fields, all the country's ports, and a new railway line linking the country to Iran via Turkmenistan.

Considering the region's economic and strategic importance, it is somewhat surprising that no one from there seems to be interested in running for president.

Kazakhstan's early presidential election is scheduled for April 26. The outcome is not in any doubt since the incumbent Nursultan Nazarbaev is one of the three candidates competing in the presidential "race" and he is expected to register an easy victory.

Nazarbaev's competitors are Turghun Syzdyqov of the Kazakh Communist People's Party, and Abdelghazy Kusainov, the head of the Federation of Kazakh Unions, but it is doubtful anyone will hear much about those two after April 26.

Rather than writing about what is shaping up to be the most uneventful presidential election in Kazakhstan's history, I would rather dwell on the lack of a candidate from the west of the country.

This was pointed out to me by one of my colleagues from RFE/RL's Kazakh Service, known locally as Azattyq.

My friend Yerzhan said it was strange that, from all the regions of western Kazakhstan, where the people tend to be politically active and savvy, there was not one person who even announced an intention to run for the country's top post.

I was intrigued and asked for proof. Yerzhan responded by producing a list of the 26 people who originally announced their plans to run for office. This list indicated where the prospective candidates resided and, sure enough, none came from the four enormous western provinces (Kazakhstan has 14 provinces).

Admittedly one, Kayrat Maishev, came from Kustanay Province, which neighbors Aqmola Province, where the capital Astana is located, and also borders Karaganda Province, Nazarbaev's home region.

But from Aqtobe, Atyrau, Mangistau, and West Kazakhstan, no one even tried to enter the presidential race.

Twelve of the 26 candidates announced in March registered their place of residence as Astana and 10 said they were living in Almaty, the former capital.

For the record, of the would-be candidates not living in the current or former capital, one was from Shymkent, near the border with Uzbekistan. Two were from Kokshetau Province. One of these was presidential candidate Syzdyqov, and the other was the aforementioned Maishev from Kustanay, who didn't make the final cut.

The obvious explanation for the lack of candidates from the four western provinces would be the low population. Altogether, the four provinces are home to some 2.5 million people in a country with a population of 17.2 million.

-- Bruce Pannier, with contributions from Yerzhan Karabek of RFE/RL's Kazakh Service

"The government of Turkmenistan has taken a decision to liquidate all privately owned TV and radio satellite dishes in the country" and "the main target of this campaign is Radio Azatlyk, the Turkmen-language service of Radio Liberty/Free Europe."

That's according to the Civic Solidarity Platform, an umbrella organization bringing together nearly 60 nongovernmental organizations from the United States and Eurasia.

Azatlyk knows about the campaign to demolish satellite dishes. It's not the first time the Turkmen authorities have attempted to rid the country of satellite dishes, but this time the efforts seem more serious.

The Turkmen government has always preferred to have a monopoly on the dissemination of information inside Turkmenistan. Access to satellite dishes, which in some cases cost only some $100, has broken the grip Turkmen authorities have tried to keep on information, allowing citizens to watch or listen to programming from many sources, including Azatlyk.

But according to Civic Solidarity, this most recent decision by the authorities to rid the country of satellite dishes "is aimed at fully blocking access of the population of Turkmenistan to hundreds of independent international media outlets which are currently accessible in the country only though satellite dishes."

In naming Azatlyk as the main target of the campaign, Civic Solidarity called the RFE/RL service "the only independent source of information about Turkmenistan and the world in the Turkmen language and is widely listened to in the country."

Azatlyk has regularly reported on a wide variety of subjects affecting Turkmenistan today, from housing problems and long lines to purchase train tickets, to the problems of people being detained and imprisoned for demanding their basic rights be respected, or the deteriorating security situation along the country's southern border with Afghanistan.

What these topics all have in common is that Turkmen state media will not report on them and the authorities would prefer these matters not be publicized.

Civic Solidarity noted Azatlyk's broadcasts are "currently accessible to the Turkmen public through satellite dishes while other channels of information about Turkmenistan, including websites of human rights and dissident organizations as well as the website of Radio Azatlyk are blocked in Turkmenistan."

Azatlyk is aware of the campaign and has learned the Turkmen government is offering options to satellite-dish owners.

The government will compensate the loss of satellite dishes with "cable TV packages" that would provide "entertainment channels produced by Russia, Turkey, and India," none of which include news programs. The authorities have already said they reserve the right to cut off broadcasting at any time.

Another option for those losing their satellite dishes is to agree to have government-installed satellite dishes on their buildings, but that would leave subscribers with only state-approved channels.

It appears in some cases Azatlyk would still be accessible on some antennas but on others Azatlyk programing would not be available.

As has been true during previous campaigns to rid the country of satellite dishes, the official reason given is that the dishes are ugly blemishes on the grand architecture of Turkmenistan's cities.

-- Bruce Pannier