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Astana resident and attack victim Alibi Zhumagulov in an undated photo
Astana resident and attack victim Alibi Zhumagulov in an undated photo

Once again Qishloq Ovozi is graced by the work of Matt Kupfer.

Here, Kupfer looks at the strong reaction of people in Kazakhstan, and further afield, to the brutal beating of a young man in the Kazakh capital:

April 26 was Election Day in Kazakhstan, but another event has electrified the Kazakh public and potentially overshadowed the predictable presidential race: the brutal, near-fatal assault on a young man in Astana.

The story began on April 24, when Astana resident Nurlan Zhumagulov published a post on Facebook requesting urgent help from the public to bring a criminal to justice.

Three days earlier, he wrote, his son Alibi had been invited to a friendly meeting with well-known Astana restaurateur and businessman Kairat Zhamaliev. However, upon arriving at Zhamaliev's apartment, Alibi Zhumagulov discovered that the businessman's intentions were far from friendly. Zhamaliev purportedly demanded that Zhumagulov break off relations with his girlfriend, who had previously dated Zhamaliev. When he declined, the father wrote, Zhamaliev and two of his associates proceeded to subject Zhumagulov to a vicious, drawn-out beating.

The three men reportedly pummeled and strangled Zhumagulov, cut off his ear with a broken bottle, tore his cheek, and jumped on his head, leaving him with a traumatic brain injury. Zhamaliev also reportedly threatened to kill Zhumagulov's father and younger sister and, using a mobile phone, forced Zhumagulov to confess on camera to a series of murders he didn't commit in order to blackmail his family.

Finally, after four hours of torturing Zhumagulov, the three men allegedly deposited him semi-conscious in the street and took his car. Alibi Zhumagulov survived and was eventually brought to the hospital, but that was hardly the end of the story.

After his family pressed charges against Zhamaliev, police placed the businessman under three-day arrest on April 24. But, according to Nurlan Zhumagulov, the police investigators admitted that they were under pressure to release Zhamaliev on bail after three days, even though Alibi Zhumagulov's possessions and blood had reportedly been found in the businessman's apartment. Nurlan Zhumagulov also said he received a phone call from a high-placed government official asking to meet to discuss the situation, but he declined.

"I ask all people who are not apathetic, everyone who has children they love, please spread my message, do not let this monster freely parade around our city!" the elder Zhumagulov wrote, concluding his Facebook post. "While he is at liberty, no one can sleep peacefully."

Alibi Zhumagulov's brutal assault could easily have become just another crime committed in the Kazakh capital -- shocking to those who know about it, but not particularly noteworthy to most people. But Nurlan Zhumagulov's post and disturbing images of his son's disfigured face have galvanized the Kazakhstanis around the world. It is difficult to gauge public response to the Facebook post, as the elder Zhumagulov has now deactivated his profile. However, according to Google's cache of the page, Nurlan Zhumagulov's message was shared over 6,900 times within 10 hours of being published. It also received nearly 1,450 likes and countless comments.

Most, importantly, it appears to have achieved its desired result: the Kazakhstani public has proven to be anything but apathetic to Alibi Zhumagulov's plight, and the authorities are responding.

On Twitter and Instagram, Kazakhstanis used the hashtag #ЖивиАлиби (#LiveAlibi) to express their sympathy and support for Zhumagulov, share images of his brutalized face and what appears to be the blackmail video allegedly recorded by Zhamaliev, and call for justice. Someone even set up a special Instagram account to share images and news related to Zhumagulov's beating. Celebrities in Kazakhstan and even Russia have also joined in expressing support for Zhumagulov, and the famous Russian TV presenter Lera Kudryavtseva stated in social media that she had passed Zhumagulov's story on to Andrei Malakhov, host of the iconic Russian primetime talk show Pust Govoryat (Let Them Speak).

Kazakhstanis have also called on their countrymen to boycott restaurants and businesses belonging to Kairat Zhamaliev, and one of Zhamaliev's business partners reportedly has broken off cooperation with the businessman and his enterprises.

Most significantly, an Astana court extended Zhamaliev's arrest for two months and the criminal case has been placed under the control of Kazakhstan's general procurator and minister of internal affairs. One of alleged accomplices to Zhumagulov's beating has also been arrested, and police are currently searching for a second.

The public response to Alibi Zhumagulov's vicious beating highlights the increasing importance of social media as a force for public good in Central Asia. Countries like Kazakhstan suffer from endemic corruption and authoritarian leadership. Money and connections often prove much stronger than the rule of law. Yet the leaders of these countries are also dependent on public support, as evidenced by President Nursultan Nazarbaev's decision to hold early elections this month, rather than in 2016. By joining together in support of Alibi Zhumagulov, the Kazakhstani public has guaranteed him at greater degree of justice than he would have otherwise have received.

Yet, this public drive for justice also represents a potential threat to Kazakhstan. When justice is dependant on public support, it is far from impartial. Kazakhstan's Internet users have posted a photo depicting Zhamaliev in prison stripes and chains and have labeled Ainur Isina, the woman who was reportedly the motivation for the attack on Zhumagulov, a "whore" and expressed a desire for her to die. When Isina later revealed in an interview that she has a son with Zhamaliev, claimed to be his wife, and advanced a difficult-to-believe alternate narrative that presented Zhumagulov as safely visiting and leaving Zhamaliev's residence with two police officers, the news provoked significant discussion online. The increasing complexity of the case and the rising public anger against Zhamaliev and Isina reveal the danger of leaving justice up to public passions. No one has yet gone to court for Zhumagulov's beating, but the public has already determined who is guilty. While the evidence against Zhamaliev seems quite strong, this is still bad news for impartial justice.

The extraordinary public resonance #ЖивиАлиби is a victory for the Zhumagulov family, but the corruption and failure of the judicial system that it highlights is undoubtedly a loss for all of Kazakhstan.

-- Matthew Kupfer is a writer focusing on Central Asia, Russia, Ukraine, and the former Soviet Union. His work has been published in EurasiaNet.org, the Moscow Times, Eurasia Outlook, and Registan.net. Previously a Junior Fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, he is currently pursuing an M.A. in Russia, East Europe, and Central Asia regional studies at Harvard University. The views expressed in this blog are his own. You can follow Matthew on Twitter (@Matthew_Kupfer)

Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbaev greets his supporters during a postelection rally in Astana.
Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbaev greets his supporters during a postelection rally in Astana.

Kazakhstan conducted its early presidential election on April 26 and it was no surprise that incumbent President Nursultan Nazarbaev won. It was not even much of a surprise that he received 97.7 percent of the vote, considering his two opponents were little known to the general public and were also Nazarbaev supporters.

What was surprising was the voter turnout figure the Central Election Commission (CEC) provided -- 95.22 percent.

Some media sources did report seeing long lines at polling stations in Kazakhstan's two biggest cities: Almaty and Astana.

But other sources, such as Eurasianet's Joanna Lillis, a veteran of reporting in Central Asia, tweeted on election day that only a few voters came to the polling station she was watching in Almaty.

RFE/RL's Kazakh Service, known locally as Azattyq, was out on election day and can confirm large voter turnouts at some polling stations in Almaty and Astana (such as in this video):

Очереди к урнам для голосования
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Azattyq reported that in the last few days leading up to the April 26 poll there had been a countrywide campaign to get out the vote. Activists were visible throughout the country urging people to cast their ballots on election day.

Azattyq also heard that many people were told by their bosses at work that they had better go and cast their ballots or face unspecified consequences. There are tales that in some cases employers insisted workers take "selfies" of themselves placing their ballot in the box.

But there are also reports from other areas of Kazakhstan that indicate voter turnout was not very high, certainly nowhere near 80 or 90 percent.

The OSCE's Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) on April 27 released its preliminary assessment of Kazakhstan's presidential election and noted that "serious procedural deficiencies and irregularities were observed throughout the voting, counting, and tabulation processes, including indications of ballot-box stuffing."

According to Kazakhstan's CEC, there were 9,514,988 people eligible to cast ballots at more than 9,700 polling stations (65 of them abroad).

The outcome of the vote was clear as soon as the early election was announced, and the weather in many parts of the country was bad for all or part of election day. Those two factors usually speak against high voter turnout.

Also, CEC Deputy Chairman Vladimir Foos said not long after polls closed that preliminary results showed that only 72.28 percent of voters in Almaty, Kazakhstan largest city, had cast ballots.

Azattyq has several videos of election day worth viewing to get a feel of activity at polling stations in Astana and Almaty.

But the one that is "must-see" viewing, for those who know Kazakh or Russian, is an interview with the observers from Kazakhstan's political parties at one polling station, where one person claims to be an observer from the Azat party, which no longer exists, and the people presented as representatives from the Communist Party and the Aul party seem not to know much about their political organizations:

«Член несуществующей партии» в избиркоме
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-- Bruce Pannier, with contributions from RFE/RL Kazakh Service Director Torokul Doorov

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About This Blog

Qishloq Ovozi is a blog by RFE/RL Central Asia specialist Bruce Pannier that aims to look at the events that are shaping Central Asia and its respective countries, connect the dots to shed light on why those processes are occurring, and identify the agents of change.​

The name means "Village Voice" in Uzbek. But don't be fooled, Qishloq Ovozi is about all of Central Asia.

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