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A photo shared on social media apparently showing the aftermath of a deadly shoot-out in Aqtobe, Kazakhstan, in which at least 18 people were killed.
A photo shared on social media apparently showing the aftermath of a deadly shoot-out in Aqtobe, Kazakhstan, in which at least 18 people were killed.

The June 5 violence in Kazakhstan's northwestern city of Aqtobe was surprising. Such incidents don't usually happen in Kazakhstan.

But on those rare occasions when they do, it seems like it's in western Kazakhstan, or more specifically, the Aqtobe area.

Kazakh officials were scrambling on June 6 to explain who was behind the shooting that had left at least 18 people dead, at latest count, including 12 of the attackers, or why they'd done it.

But the explanation might be staring them in the face.

Aqtobe, with a population of around 400,000, is located in Kazakhstan's western oil region. Oil sales have driven Kazakhstan's economic success for years (or at least they had until the recent drop in world oil prices), but little of that money has trickled down to the major oil cities of western Kazakhstan, Aqtobe among them.

Meanwhile, billions of dollars have been spent building up the capital, Astana, and the commercial capital, Almaty.

So there is general discontent over state neglect of the social conditions in western Kazakhstan in general, and especially in Aqtobe. To make matters worse, western Kazakhstan has been portrayed as a region where Islam has deeply rooted itself since the collapse of the Soviet Union in late 1991 -- leading Kazakh officials to ascribe acts of violence to Islamic extremists or their influence and giving parts of western Kazakhstan an image many residents feel it doesn't deserve.

Aqtobe has the dubious distinction of being the only place in Kazakhstan where a suicide bomber has staged an attack. That happened on May 17, 2011, when 25-year-old Rahimjan Makhatov walked into a regional branch of the National Security Committee and detonated his explosives, killing himself and injuring two other people. Kazakh authorities were quick to claim that Makhatov had connections to Islamic extremists, but there was never much proof available publicly.

Some Kazakh officials have already linked the June 5 attacks in Aqtobe to "nontraditional" religious groups, a term that usually denotes Islamic extremists. At this early stage, there is no publicly available evidence of such a connection. But it would not mark the first time Kazakh officials have linked unrest in western Kazakhstan to Islamic extremism.

Following Makhatov's 2011 suicide bombing, Kazakh media reported the existence of Salafi communities in western Kazakhstan, villages with young bearded men who were extremely pious and, the reports hinted, potentially dangerous.



When two policemen were killed in late June 2011 in a village some 200 kilometers south of Aqtobe, authorities sent elite forces to the area. During the ensuing operation, nine suspects and one policeman were killed. The initial official suggestion that the group was influenced by Islamic extremism eventually evolved to claiming the suspects were members of a criminal organization operating under the guise of religion.

A bit farther away, there was also the so-called Jund al-Khilafah (Soldiers of the Caliphate) terrorist group founded by three Kazakh citizens from Kazakhstan's Caspian Sea port city of Atyrau, around 500 kilometers southwest of Aqtobe. That group claimed responsibility for two bombings in Atyrau in November 2011 and for an attack days later in Almaty, in which five militants and two policemen were killed.

Though Kazakh authorities claimed that Jund al-Khilafah had links to Pakistan's tribal region, the three founders of the group were all later found and arrested in Kazakhstan.

Kazakhstan's western regions have proven to be the most restive in the country in the last half decade. There was also the six-month strike by oil workers in Zhanaozen that ended with at least 15 people being killed when police opened fire on demonstrators on Kazakhstan's Independence Day on December 16, 2011.

So if violence was going to happen, it is perhaps unsurprising that it struck in western Kazakhstan. Nor is it a surprise that investigators are having a hard time establishing a motive for the June 5 attacks.

But as much as many officials in the Kazakh government would like to believe this latest violence was inspired, or even planned, by forces outside the country, the reasons are probably easy to see in the everyday lives of residents of western Kazakhstan.

RFE/RL's Kazakh Service contributed to this report

Corruption is everywhere and Central Asia is no exception. In fact, looking at reports from international rights organizations you would have to conclude Central Asia might even be one of the worst regions in the world when it comes to corruption.

Open Society Foundations just released Tackling Corruption In Uzbekistan, an extremely thorough report that deals not only with examples of corruption in Uzbekistan but also delves into the place and importance corruption occupies among elites and the government.

Corruption is a perennial topic for Central Asia but the current economic crisis has brought the issue to the fore in all five countries in Central Asia.

To explore corruption in Central Asia, RFE/RL’s Turkmen Service, known locally as Azatlyk, brought together a Majlis, a panel, to discuss the role and cost of corruption.

Azatlyk Director Muhammad Tahir moderated the panel. From London, David Lewis, the author of Tackling Corruption In Uzbekistan, joined the talk. Participating from Brussels, Washington-based attorney Brian Campbell, who works with international rights organizations, including the Cotton Campaign, a group that monitors the use of forced labor in Uzbekistan’s cotton fields. And from Almaty, Natalie Malyarchuk, chair of the Board of Trustees of Transparency Kazakhstan, took part. Oh yeah, and I was there and… you know.

Lewis started the conversation with some background about his report. “We’ve tried to go around the generalities and break it down into what corruption actually does, what impact it has, and some of the mechanisms that are used to assert control both over business and over politics.”

The problem has deep roots. Malyarchuk explained, “From the point of view of petty corruption, citizens really face many cases,” and she added, “citizens accept it” and some now see bribes and pay-offs as a way to simplify bureaucratic procedures.

Lewis mentioned corruption has “become part of the system.”

Speaking about Uzbekistan, Campbell noted the cotton industry, long a source of controversy due to forced labor practices, is also specially designed to be opaque. “The entire cotton sector is structured as a corrupt mechanism, the way that the prices are set, the way that the money disappears into a mysterious fund that’s off the budget.” Uzbekistan’s annual cotton sales regularly amount to more than $600 million and some years the figure has been significantly higher.

Central Asian governments often declare a war on corruption but as Lewis said, there usually appears to be an ulterior motive. “Anticorruption campaigns… inevitably are very selective, what they really do is target people who have fallen out of favor, or particular people who have not been loyal enough, shall we say, to the leadership.”

It is extremely difficult to obtain a clear picture of the extent of corruption. Malyarchuk said, “Many reports that you read about our countries are connected directly with political opponents and it’s very subjective.” It is a valid point particularly since some of the leading Central Asian government opponents are fallen former government officials bearing a grudge.

But Campbell stressed that while caution is needed in assessing claims of corruption from local sources, “You can have a political motivation and still have very true, very well-researched facts.”

As mentioned, Central Asia is in an economic crisis at the moment. Several factors have combined that ensured none of the countries could escape from an economic downturn, whether it was dependency on hydrocarbon exports or on remittances sent home, usually from Russia, by Central Asian migrant laborers.

Lewis observed, “When you get an economic decline, when you get an economic recession, the economy really struggles and society really struggles to cope, and that Lewis said “has a big impact on inequality, that’s what we’re finding across most of the region is that it concentrates wealth in a few hands at the top of society and accentuates the difference between the bottom and the top.”

One result of this, as Malyarchuk explained, was that in Kazakhstan “based on our research and our analysis I can say that small and medium business, especially now in the last three years, they are dying.”

The role that foreign businesses play in corruption in Central Asia was also discussed. Malyarchuk said her organization has noticed some foreign companies simply refused to get involved in corrupt practices and withdrew from states in Central Asia. But others stayed, choosing to play by the local rules.

Since the Majlis was prompted by Lewis’s report there was ample discussion of TeliaSonera, VimpelCom, and those companies’ links to Gulnara Karimova, the eldest daughter of Uzbek President Islam Karimov. Information about that scandal has provided a rare view into the extent of corruption in Uzbekistan, “upwards of $850 million in bribery money that was passed and paid between accounts,” Campbell recounted.

Campbell mentioned that money has been seized, but this brings up another problem: What to do with that money? “We would love to see it go back and benefit the people of Uzbekistan and that is our goal,” Campbell said, “but because of this endemic corruption it is very difficult to responsibly repatriate the money."

The Central Asian governments are finding out the hard way how this reputation of corruption hurts. With the current economic decline, all of the Central Asian states could use some outside financial help. But Lewis said, “Organizations like the World Bank, Asian Development Bank, European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, all have faced the same problems in trying to distribute funds in ways that don’t get them enmeshed in corrupt practices.”

Lewis summed up the situation, saying, “You have a drop in foreign investment, a drop in domestic investment, capital flowing out of the region, and also a lack of willingness by international banks to really invest in the region.”

The Majlis explored these matters in greater detail and other issues such as the role presidents’ families play in corruption, a particularly acute problem in Tajikistan and Turkmenistan; the reluctance of Western companies to get involved in projects in Central Asia; the need for leaders and elites to employ corruption as a means of gaining key support; and a range of other topics.

An audio recording of the discussion can be heard at:

Majlis: The Perfect Storm Of Corruption In Central Asia
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About This Blog

Qishloq Ovozi is a blog by RFE/RL Central Asia specialist Bruce Pannier that aims to look at the events that are shaping Central Asia and its respective countries, connect the dots to shed light on why those processes are occurring, and identify the agents of change.​

The name means "Village Voice" in Uzbek. But don't be fooled, Qishloq Ovozi is about all of Central Asia.

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