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Radio was always an important mass medium in Soviet times and still plays a vital role today in disseminating information in Central Asia
Radio was always an important mass medium in Soviet times and still plays a vital role today in disseminating information in Central Asia

February 13 is a special day for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and for us at the Majlis.

It's World Radio Day.

It's the 21st century and with the Internet and television many people look at radio as a medium for disseminating knowledge that is slowly fading into history.

But that would be getting ahead of ourselves, because for every person in the world today with access to the Internet that are probably two or three others who have never used the worldwide web and are not likely to do so in the near future.

Radio is still a part of everyday life in many places and one of those places is Central Asia.

So to look at the role of radio in Central Asia, past and present, RFE/RL put together a Majlis, or panel.

Moderating the discussion was RFE/RL Media Relations Manager Muhammad Tahir. Joining the Majlis was Umed Babakhanov, the founder of Tajikistan's independent news agency Asia-Plus. Also participating was Bakyt Beshimov, a former member of Kyrgyzstan's parliament and currently a professor at Northeastern University in Boston. I've been in Central Asia; I've listened to the radio there, so I sat in on the conversation as well.

Babakhanov said, "Since Soviet times radio has always been the most important mass media in Central Asia, even more important than TV, I would say. He explained that Central Asia "continues [to be] predominantly agrarian and people in the field cannot watch TV but they can listen to the radio all day long."

Beshimov recalled that when he was campaigning for a seat in parliament in 2007 "during two months I traveled to all provinces of Kyrgyzstan, met with a lot of people…" He said many people he met with had more information about the parliamentary campaign than he expected. "We asked from what kind of sources are you getting this information and what sources of information {do] you prefer to trust and I got the answer, the majority of the answers, about Radio Liberty, about Azattyk Radiosy [RFE/RL's Kyrgyz Service]."

'Information Shock'

Both guests recalled what it was like to listen to foreign radio broadcasts during the Soviet era. It was forbidden of course but thousands of people behind the Iron Curtain took the risk anyway.

Beshimov remembered in the late 1970s "my friend, he introduced me to Golos Ameriki, Voice of America." Beshimov said, "It was for me some kind of an information shock because when I got the analysis of events in the Soviet Union and I understood what different opinions there could be."

Babakhanov remembered being a translator in the Soviet military in 1986 and being stationed in Sevastopol. Babakhanov was a translator for Arabic, his roommate, a Ukrainian, was a translator for English."One day, on April 26 I guess, in 1986, we are listening to Radio BBC … and suddenly we got the news about an accident at Chernobyl nuclear power plant," Babakhanov recalled.

Soviet media did not report anything about the accident for several days. Babakhanov's roommate had a wife who was pregnant living in Kyiv. The two young lieutenants faced a tough choice. Admitting to listening to BBC was a serious infraction, particularly by military personnel, but Babakhanov's roommate was too worried to wait. "We went to our chief commanders asking what happened," Babakhanov said, "Our commanders said don't trust these foreign voices. It's just a lie."

Several days later, Soviet media finally confirmed what had happened at Chernobyl.

Sanitized State Reporting

The situation in much of Central Asia is still the same today. Certainly in Turkmenistan, the scale of natural disasters and the failures of the government usually go unreported. Even the U.S.-led attacks on Afghanistan, which neighbors Turkmenistan, were not reported at the time. When circumstances force some sort of official acknowledgement the state media's version is heavily sanitized.

With the possible exception of Kyrgyzstan, the situation with information in the other Central Asian countries is not much better.

Babakhanov said, "Tajik authorities they considered, and still consider, radio and TV as strategically important for their security."

Beshimov added, "These leaders from the old era even the young generation of leaders they simply don't know what to do with the diversity of information, with the diversity of the sources of information."

What the leadership in Central Asia is coming to understand very well is how to deal with newer forms of spreading information. We have seen time and again that, during times of crises in Central Asia, authorities block websites and order mobile phone providers to cut connections.

But radio, the old medium, can still get through the old defenses of radio jamming.

"I would say the role of foreign radio stations, foreign broadcasters today is getting even more and more important, even maybe more important than in the Soviet era," Babakhanov suggested, "because we see the situation is getting worse in some of our countries and in such a hostile environment, for example, in Tajikistan, it's almost impossible today to express some critical materials about the government, about the situation."

Beshimov said, "Radio is still an effective source of information and how it reaches people, how it touches their thinking, is really still very effective and I think it still will be."

The panel talked much more about the role of radio in Central Asia. I certainly enjoyed listening to their reminiscences about the importance of foreign radio in the past and I appreciated their insight into what radio can do for Central Asia today and tomorrow.

An audio recording of the Majlis podcast can be heard here:

Majlis Podcast: The Relevance Of Radio In Central Asia
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Listen to or download the Majlis podcast above or subscribe to the Majlis on iTunes.

Turkmen President Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov. "You cannot have five years of extreme authoritarianism and then have a couple of weeks of democracy," one podcast panelist says. "It doesn’t work like that."
Turkmen President Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov. "You cannot have five years of extreme authoritarianism and then have a couple of weeks of democracy," one podcast panelist says. "It doesn’t work like that."

Turkmenistan is holding a presidential election on February 12. Incumbent Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov is seeking to be elected president for the third time, and there is every reason to believe he will succeed.

While the result seems guaranteed, the reasons for holding the election are not as immediately obvious. But there are reasons.

RFE/RL assembled a Majlis, or panel, to discuss Turkmenistan’s presidential election: Who the competitors are, how the so-called campaign has progressed, and most importantly, what is at stake for Berdymukhammedov and what, if anything, can we expect from him after he wins a third term in office.

Moderating the podcast was RFE/RL Media Relations Manager Muhammad Tahir. From Washington, Victoria Clement, a senior fellow at the Woodrow Wilson Center, who lived in Turkmenistan and is writing a book on the country, joined the Majlis. Our friend Dr. Luca Anceschi, lecturer in Central Asian studies at Glasgow University in Scotland and author of the book Turkmenistan’s Foreign Policy: Positive Neutrality And The Consolidation Of The Turkmen Regime, participated. From Prague, Farruh Yusupov, the director of RFE/RL’s Turkmen Service, known locally as Azatlyk, took part. I had to have my say on this topic, also.

There are a few new things about this presidential election. Berdymukhammedov faced five competitors when he was first elected in 2007, seven in 2012, and this time is running against eight opponents. For the first time, two political parties -- the Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs and the Agrarian Party -- are participating, though both parties were created precisely so Turkmenistan’s government could claim it was a multiparty race. And this time the candidates are running for a seven-year term, not five years, as was previously the case.

WATCH: Vote-Buying In Turkmenistan?

Vote-Buying In Turkmenistan?
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As Yusupov explained, not much is known about Berdymukhammedov’s challengers.

"We do see limited footage of the other candidates, but without their voices, only the [news] presenter saying that this candidate met with people in this district of this region, and they only show them for a few seconds," he said.

Yusupov added, "The election campaign itself was not obvious until three of four weeks ago, almost nothing was published in official media..."

Yusupov said that in contrast, "State TV is…showing President Berdymukhammedov running around the country meeting with voters, with different groups of people, giving out gifts, and people saying, not only [they] but their friends and families, 'We will vote for you.'"

Clement said, "This is all heavily scripted and the people who participate in the meetings with the candidates are hand-selected by the government, but I think part of the reason the government bothers to do this is so that it can have a veneer of support. It wants to be able to claim a popular mandate."

No one outside of Turkmenistan seems fooled by this "heavily scripted" election campaign. Human Rights Watch (HRW) just published a statement about Turkmenistan’s presidential election, in which it said the country's "appalling human rights record undermines the possibility of a free and fair presidential election."

Probably very few inside Turkmenistan are fooled, either. Anceschi spoke for many when he said, "I can no longer make sense of why they keep [holding presidential elections]."

Speaking about Berdymukhammedov’s second term in office, the one just coming to an end, Anceschi pointed out this sudden interest Berdymukhammedov has in campaigning, in happily meeting voters, and ini making great promises about the future, seems a bit ridiculous.

"You cannot have five years of extreme authoritarianism and then have a couple of weeks of democracy," Anceschi said. "It doesn’t work like that."

So what is driving Berdymukhammedov and state media’s newfound enthusiasm for this weekend's presidential election?

The answer is the dire economic situation into which Turkmenistan has plummeted in the last two years.

Not even in the early days of independence was Turkmenistan’s economy in as bad a shape as it is today, and though it is impossible to get any sort of accurate poll as to the popularity of Berdymukhammedov, it is surely lower than it was just a few years ago.

The panelists agreed that external factors have caused many of the problems Turkmenistan faces today. Natural gas is Turkmenistan’s major export, and the price of gas is half what it was just a few years ago. There are security problems along Turkmenistan’s border with Afghanistan, something else for which Berdymukhammedov and his government cannot be blamed.

At the start of this year, Turkmenistan lost the second of what were once three gas customers when Turkmen authorities demanded back payments from Iran and cut off gas supplies to that southern neighbor, almost exactly one year after Russia’s Gazprom said it was canceling its contract for Turkmen gas. Turkmenistan’s only customer now is China, a country that has loaned Turkmenistan billions of dollars to develop its gas industry and now expects some of the Turkmen gas it is receiving in repayment for those loans.

Anceschi said the Turkmen government does bear responsibility for failing to act in the face of all the negative economic indicators.

"The economy has been unchanged and this is no longer sustainable," Anceschi explained, adding, "There will have to be a point at which someone in Ashgabat starts telling the president that change needs to come, otherwise the whole house just falls."

But with no solutions in sight, the Turkmen people have instead been treated to state television covering events such as "Berdymukhammedov...driving around in his pickup truck, driving to the shepherds in Akhal region [to campaign]," Yusupov noted.

Clement said the campaign and the election are not a complete waste of time.

"I do think that it’s worth pointing out that the election process in and of itself is an important stage in a country’s path, and if they’re to progress in any way, this kind of activity needs to be normalized," she said, sounding a possibly optimistic note for the future.

Listen to this week's Majlis podcast to hear more about these issues in greater detail and to explore other aspects of Turkmenistan’s 2017 presidential election, the reasons for it, and what might come next.

Majlis Podcast: Turkmenistan’s Presidential Election
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Listen to or download the Majlis podcast above or subscribe to the Majlis on iTunes.

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About This Blog

Qishloq Ovozi is a blog by RFE/RL Central Asia specialist Bruce Pannier that aims to look at the events that are shaping Central Asia and its respective countries, connect the dots to shed light on why those processes are occurring, and identify the agents of change.​

The name means "Village Voice" in Uzbek. But don't be fooled, Qishloq Ovozi is about all of Central Asia.

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