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The Donald Trump administration has not made any direct statements about Central Asia as yet. But there are top people in the administration who are quite familiar with the region.
The Donald Trump administration has not made any direct statements about Central Asia as yet. But there are top people in the administration who are quite familiar with the region.

The new U.S. administration has a lot of people guessing, watching, and trying to predict what President Donald Trump's position will be on a myriad of issues.

In the case of relations with, for example, China, Russia, and Mexico, there are already signals about Trump's policy toward those countries.

The new U.S. president has not commented directly on Central Asia yet, but a January 31 article in Foreign Policy magazine titled Central Asian Autocrats Welcome The Age Of Trump explored some of the possibilities of the ties between the United States and the five Central Asian states in the coming months.

It's a good topic, so RFE/RL organized a Majlis, or panel, to talk about what U.S. policy toward Central Asia under new President Donald Trump might look like and what the Central Asian states can realistically hope for from the new U.S. administration.

Moderating the discussion was RFE/RL Media Relations Manager Muhammad Tahir. Joining him at RFE/RL headquarters in Washington to take part in the discussion was a former U.S. ambassador to Kazakhstan, and currently a senior fellow at the Rand Corporation, William Courtney. Also participating from Washington was the author of the above-mentioned article in Foreign Policy magazine, Reid Standish. Good topic, like I said, so I was happy to jump into the conversation also.

So what can we expect the Trump administration to be looking for in U.S. ties with Central Asia?

The Trump administration has not made any direct statements about Central Asia as yet. But Standish noted there were people in Trump's administration who know something about Central Asia. "[Secretary of State] Rex Tillerson, earlier he was the CEO of ExxonMobil, obviously from his background as an oilman knows what's happening in the region in terms of energy," he said.

And Standish noted, "James Mattis, secretary of defense, was the head of CENTCOM, so he obviously has some pretty acute knowledge of the security situation in the region."

It's clear the Trump administration has "an intense focus on fighting Islamic extremism," Standish explained.

The Central Asian governments have been saying for many years, with some reason, that they are threatened with Islamic extremism. One of the region's southern neighbors is Afghanistan and between 2001 and 2014, all five of the Central Asian countries made some contribution to the U.S.-led campaign in Afghanistan.

The situation in the northern Afghan provinces bordering Central Asia has been getting progressively worse during the last three years, with fighting moving at times to within easy earshot of people north of the Central Asian border.

Iran Sanctions

But if Trump's tough policy toward Islamic extremism might be a comfort to Central Asian governments, his views on Iran promise to complicate Central Asia's relations with its other southern neighbor.

"We saw...Mike Flynn, Trump's national security adviser, came out and said that Iran was being put on notice," Standish said, and, "General Mattis...is also quite hawkish on Iran."

The lifting of some international sanctions on Iran after Tehran's conclusion of a nuclear deal with major world powers offered the Central Asian states the possibility of a new trade route to the southwest. Heightened tensions between Washington and Tehran would complicate the realization of this opportunity.

Courtney said there were some important aspects of U.S. policy toward Central Asia that were not likely to change under the new administration.

"For the quarter-century since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the West and the United States have strongly supported the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of all of the new republics of the former Soviet Union," Courtney explained.

That certainly should be important to the Central Asian governments considering they are surrounded by giant neighbors China, Russia, and Iran immediately, and Pakistan and India not much farther away.

Russia Up, China Down

However, the Trump administration's policies toward Central Asia's leading trade and security partners -- Russia and China -- are very different and this could prove problematic for Ashgabat, Astana, Bishkek, Dushanbe and Tashkent to navigate through.

As Courtney pointed out, "What we've seen so far in President Trump's desire to improve relations with Russia is a question whether he might be willing to lift or ease sanctions unilaterally on Russia with regard to its aggression in Ukraine. If that were the case," he added, "then that would have troubling implications for Central Asia."

There have been worries in Kazakhstan in particular that a Ukrainian scenario was possible in the north of the country, along the border with Russia, where there is an ethnic Russian majority.

Standish did not think any tensions between Washington and Beijing would complicate the foreign policies of Central Asia too much, saying that if it did "that's a sign that relations between Washington and Beijing elsewhere have gotten pretty bad."

One of the big questions is whether the Trump administration would be willing to focus on security issues in Central Asia at the expense of pressing governments there to improve their poor records of respecting basic human rights.

Standish suggested it was probable that "human rights concerns won't prevent a deal, to use Trump parlance, between Washington and the Central Asian countries."

Courtney said, "More respect for human rights is something that Central Asia really can and should do," and pointed out that Central Asian governments should not forget there will be some in the United States who would insist on Washington pushing the governments there to show greater respect for basic rights.

"To expect the Trump administration to go against the will of Congress and counter a number of NGOs who are in favor of human rights, political liberties, that's really not so realistic," he said.

What the Trump administration's policy toward Central Asia is might not be clear but it is clear Central Asia will not be forgotten by the new U.S. president and his team.

Courtney recalled: "The United States developed reasonable relations with Central Asia before 9/11. No one had any idea how important those relations with Central Asia would become after 9/11 and U.S. engagement in Afghanistan."

And Standish noted that Central Asia "is a very important and strategically vital part of the world where relations with China, relations with Russia, energy security, Islamic extremism, all sorts of things intersect here," so the region is unlikely to fall off the Trump administration's radar.

The panel discussed these and many other issues concerning the Trump administration and Central Asia. You can listen to the full discussion here:

Majlis Podcast: Trump And Central Asia
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Listen to or download the Majlis podcast above or subscribe to Majlis on iTunes.

The two faces of Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov: unforgiving autocrat and smiling man of the people (combo photo)
The two faces of Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov: unforgiving autocrat and smiling man of the people (combo photo)

Turkmenistan is conducting a presidential election on February 12. Eight competitors are running against the incumbent, Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov.

But if he looks like Berdymukhammedov, the person who's been hitting the campaign trail in the last week or so doesn’t much act like Berdymukhammedov.

First, let's take a brief look at the eight candidates in the race. (That’s a record for a Turkmen presidential election.) It's probably one of the only times you’ll ever hear about these folks.

They are: the deputy head of Mary Province, Jumanazar Annayev; the director of the Seidi oil refinery and member of parliament, Ramazan Durdyyev; the deputy head of the Dashoguz regional administration, Meretdurdy Gurbanov; the chief of the department of economy and development of the Akhal regional administration, Serdar Jelilov; the CEO of Garabogazsulfat, the production association of the Turkmenchemistry state concern, Suleimannepes Nurnepesov; the deputy chairman of the state food industry, Maksat Annanepesov; the candidate of the Party of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs, Bekmyrat Atalyev; and Agrarian Party candidate Durdygylych Orazov.

They will be splitting the 1.5 to 2 percent (I predict) of the votes Berdymukhammedov does not receive.

Which brings us to Berdymukhammedov.

Candidate Berdymukhammedov is generous, at least in clips aired on state television and reports in state media. On January 30, he was touring an area in Akhal Province and, with a big smile, gave what were said to be televisions to herders. (In the background is the cleanest yurt I've ever seen in the Kara-Kum desert.)

Turkmen President Campaigns In Akhal Province
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Technically, candidates are not allowed to give gifts to voters, but Turkmenistan’s Central Election Commission explained to RFE/RL’s Turkmen Service, known locally as Azatlyk, that Berdymukhammedov was giving the gifts as the country’s president, not as a candidate.

Berdymukhammedov has been seen on state television giving away copies of the dozens of books he has supposedly written to officials, or small gifts of money to women on International Women’s Day. (Beyond this, I cannot remember him giving any gifts to "average" citizens.)

The Turkmen President's Book Of Tea
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A week earlier, Berdymukhammedov the president was in eastern Lebap Province, inspecting construction projects. Berdymukhammedov the candidate took a few minutes to meet with workers and during the meeting asked if everyone in the room had been to Turkmenistan’s Caspian coast resort area of Avaza. One man raised his hand to show he had not. Berdymukhammedov said he would send the man and his family to Avaza.

The trip was undoubtedly a gift from Berdymukhammedov the president, not the candidate.

While visiting with workers at a gas complex in Akhal Province on January 30, Berdymukhammedov, just an average guy at heart, gave the crowd what they were reportedly asking for and took the stage with guitar in hand to "perform" for the people.

This Berdymukhammedov is different from the Berdymukhammedov seen on state television earlier in January, who dismissed 14 deputy district chiefs, all for "shortcomings" in their work, and reprimanded dozens more officials. He fired Ashgabat Mayor Muradniyaz Abilov, calling him a "bastard."

In 2016, state television also showed Berdymukhammedov dismissing and reprimanding dozens of officials. On February 5, 2016, he dismissed the head of the presidential administration, Palvan Taganov, telling Taganov, "It is a great pity that you have failed to perform the duties entrusted to you," then ordering him to get out of the room "straight away."

And then, of course, there is this footage of Berdymukhammedov in 2011 ridiculing officials:

Video Captures Turkmen President Bullying Officials
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Berdymukhammedov’s active campaigning this time around -- and his "nice guy" act -- are probably just further proof of Turkmenistan’s economic crisis. Were times better in Turkmenistan, it is unlikely we would be seeing the smiling Berdymukhammedov seen on state television since late January.

We probably won’t see this new Berdymukhammedov after the election is over, either, when he'll be enjoying a new seven-year term in office.

Farruh Yusupov, the director of RFE/RL's Turkmen Service, contributed to this report
The views expressed in this blog post do not necessarily reflect the views of RFE/RL.

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About This Blog

Qishloq Ovozi is a blog by RFE/RL Central Asia specialist Bruce Pannier that aims to look at the events that are shaping Central Asia and its respective countries, connect the dots to shed light on why those processes are occurring, and identify the agents of change.​

The name means "Village Voice" in Uzbek. But don't be fooled, Qishloq Ovozi is about all of Central Asia.

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