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Qishloq Ovozi

Surat Ikramov

Uzbekistan will mark 30 years of independence since the collapse of the Soviet Union in September and in that time the country has watched its fortunes -- and its hopes for a free and democratic society -- rise and fall.

One person whose legacy is inextricably tied to those hopes and to cataloguing Uzbekistan’s darkest moments is Surat Ikramov -- chairman of the Initiative Group of Independent Human Rights Defenders -- who died in Tashkent on March 3 at age 77.

Human rights work in authoritarian contexts, and certainly in Uzbekistan, is a thankless and grueling slog. It is often more about bearing witness to continuous, mundane abuses and horrors than it is about dramatic speeches or courtroom drama. It is fundamentally about showing up, on a consistent basis -- about making sure that victims and survivors know you are there and will have their back.

This accurately describes the way Ikramov, alongside his beloved wife and partner Gulnora Faizieva, worked for more than two decades, documenting the government’s crackdown on peaceful religious believers, abuse committed by government officials, and the use of child labor in cotton fields.

They did this important work not from inside some grand government building but instead from inside their modest home in a mahalla (neighborhood) in Tashkent’s old city and within earshot of the ancient Khast Imom Mosque.

Over the years, the couple's home became a sort of pilgrimage for hundreds of families from villages and cities across Uzbekistan.

People came to report on repression, the arbitrary arrest of loved ones on trumped up charges, and harsh treatment in prisons. Persecuted and abandoned by officials at every level -- and often smeared as members of "extremist" sects -- they desperately sought someone who would listen.

Surat and Gulnora gave them a voice.

Rule With An Iron Fist

By the late 1990s, authoritarian Uzbek President Islam Karimov had all but eliminated the nascent political opposition and subjugated the religious establishment to his ironfisted rule.

Imams deemed too independent had largely been removed from their mosques, jailed, or even “disappeared” on a variety of grounds, such as refusing to follow the state’s strict prescriptions on religious practices, to praise Karimov in their sermons, or to heed the ban on using a loudspeaker for the call to prayer.

Following terrorist bombings that wracked Tashkent in February 1999, Karimov kicked the campaign into high gear, directing police and security services to arrest thousands of men sometimes for no other reason than that they were outwardly pious or had been spotted discussing religion with their peers.

Islam Karimov ruled Uzbekistan until his death in 2016.
Islam Karimov ruled Uzbekistan until his death in 2016.

Ikramov responded to the crisis, joining forces with the Moscow-based Memorial Human Rights Center to keep tabs on arbitrary arrests, torture in detention, and later, the authorities’ particularly cruel practice of extending prison sentences for years for bogus “violations of prison rules.”

As the government’s repression heated up, Ikramov hunkered down. He became known for issuing dense memoranda on arrests of religious believers that embassies and human rights groups alike grew to rely on in the absence of reliable government data.

In 2003, three masked men in camouflage nearly beat Ikramov to death. Afterward they took him outside the city and dumped him by the side of the road.

The message of the attack was unmistakable: stop your human rights work.

It is at this moment that most activists in Ikramov’s shoes would have chosen to flee the country. Indeed, many did. And you cannot blame them. Human rights work in Uzbekistan was and unfortunately still is a dangerous profession.

But Ikramov stayed, increasing his output and becoming an indispensable source of information as Uzbekistan’s human rights picture worsened.

Human Rights Watch, where I worked until 2019, worked closely with Ikramov for many years, visiting his home on nearly every trip its officials made to Tashkent in the past decade.

'Devilish Sense Of Humor'

One could always be sure they would find Ikramov attentively seated at his long dining room table listening to society’s most vulnerable tell their stories, always holding a cigarette while his wife helpfully consulted court judgments, indictments, and other files.

Surat Ikramov and his wife Gulnora, pictured in 2015
Surat Ikramov and his wife Gulnora, pictured in 2015

In Uzbekistan’s famously divided civil society, accusations regularly fly around about why some activists are able to operate while others are run out of the country or put behind bars. Some people even speculated that Ikramov may have been “protected.”

But this is not what mattered to the numerous families he helped. Ikramov’s religious-prisoner lists were regularly consulted by any diplomat visiting Tashkent interested in raising human rights issues.

Indeed, one of Ikramov’s proudest moments was when Hillary Clinton raised some of the names on his list when she met with Karimov as U.S. secretary of state in 2011.

Despite the subject matter he immersed himself in, Ikramov never took himself too seriously. He had a devilish sense of humor, a wry smile, and loved to come hear a Human Rights Watch colleague play late-night jazz concerts on his periodic trips to Bishkek, Almaty, or Kyiv.

Always together, Ikramov and his wife were unfailingly encouraging, almost like grandparents who see it as their role to praise your every achievement.

A few years ago, Ikramov arranged a visit to a prison hospital together with representatives of Human Rights Watch outside Tashkent to meet with a political prisoner who had spent 18 years in prison on politically motivated charges.

Word traveled fast around the hospital that Ikramov had arrived. The atmosphere was more of adoring university students greeting a respected professor than of an institution for the incarcerated.

Children picking cotton in Uzbekistan, a practice that has mostly ended partly due to Ikramov's work
Children picking cotton in Uzbekistan, a practice that has mostly ended partly due to Ikramov's work

Prisoners knew Ikramov understood their ordeal, the torture they had endured, and the hollow pretexts on which many had been denied parole or early release.

Those incarcerated could also rely on the fact that Ikramov and his wife would keep in touch with their families and consistently raise their cases, for as many years as it took, until they were free.

Recalling a meeting they had in Geneva in 2008 with Felix Corley -- the editor of the Forum 18 News Service, an agency monitoring religious freedom in the former Soviet republics and Eastern Europe -- Corley said: “It struck me just how courageous he was. [Ikramov] was based in the country that could easily be called the worst violator of the freedom of conscience or belief in the region at the time. He would document each case energetically, providing details on torture when it occurred, the relevant parts of the criminal code, and all the information you would need.”

The last time we got the chance to see Ikramov was about five months ago. By then his health was poor and he had lost weight. Despite his weakened state, Ikramov made a point of passing on another list of 12 religious prisoners whose cases he was tracking, urging international action to secure their release.

The legacy of Ikramov’s work will live on long after his passing. Because of his commitment to human rights, the world knows the fate of dozens, if not hundreds, of people who have spent years behind bars on dubious grounds and will hopefully one day be free.

The practice of sending children into the cotton fields has mostly ended, in part due to Ikramov's work, and recent efforts toward totally halting the use of forced labor in the cotton fields have significantly brought down the number of people conscripted every year to pick Uzbekistan’s “white gold.”

Another of Ikramov's legacies is the many young activists he helped train in human rights, such as rights blogger Bahodir Eliboev, who now operates a popular Telegram channel from the town of Rishton in the fertile Ferghana Valley.

Fortunately, his wife Gulnora continues their joint mission.

When honoring the loss of a loved one Uzbeks commonly say "Joylari jannatda bolsin" (May your place be in heaven).

As one of Uzbekistan’s greatest and longest-serving defenders of human rights, Surat Ikramov has definitely earned his place.

Bruce Pannier contributed to this report.
Steve Swerdlow is an associate professor of the practice of human rights at the University of Southern California. A human rights lawyer and expert on the former Soviet region, Swerdlow was previously a senior Central Asia researcher at Human Rights Watch.
Tajik President Emomali Rahmon (left) and Russian President Vladimir Putin (right) attend a ceremony at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier by the Kremlin Wall on May 9.

When hostilities broke out along the Kyrgyz-Tajik border at the end of April, many countries and organizations were quick to call for an end to the fighting and a peaceful resolution to the long-running border conflict.

No one wanted to openly side with either Kyrgyzstan or Tajikistan, let alone comment on the violence that left more than 50 people dead.

But in the days following an agreement between Kyrgyz and Tajik officials that halted the fighting, there have been hints of the positions of some leaders through their statements and actions.

Tajik President Emomali Rahmon was fortunate to have accepted an invitation months ago to make an official visit to Moscow for the May 9 Victory Day celebrations. Rahmon was the only head of state to attend the Moscow ceremonies but the trip allowed him an opportunity to meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin on May 8 and again the next day during the parade on Red Square.

Reports on the meetings of the two presidents did not mention any discussion of the April 28-30 fighting on the border, though Putin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said days earlier it would be on the agenda, and Putin had offered on April 30 to act as a mediator in the conflict.

Where Moscow Stands

Putin's comments were interesting, as they seemed to indirectly address the problem between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan.

The topic of Russia's bases in Tajikistan, where Russia's 201st Division has been stationed since shortly after the end of World War II, is a perennial whenever Putin and Rahmon meet and with U.S. and other foreign forces withdrawing from Afghanistan. Putin said Russia would "work on strengthening [the bases] and on strengthening the armed forces of Tajikistan."

The part about strengthening Tajikistan's military was certainly noticed in Kyrgyzstan, even if Putin said the strengthening was needed because of increased fighting in Afghanistan. Though both sides in the border fighting took substantial losses, the casualty figures show that Kyrgyz took a worse beating in the fighting with the Tajiks.

The Kremlin has made many statements about the need for stability in Kyrgyzstan, where Russia also has a military base and where there have been three revolutions since 2005.

In July 2019, then-Kyrgyz President Almazbek Atambaev met with Putin in Moscow. Atambaev was in the midst of a feud with his successor, President Sooronbai Jeenbekov, but despite technically being under house arrest, Atambaev left Kyrgyzstan on a plane that departed from the Russian military base in Kant.

At the end of the meeting with Atambaev, Putin referred to the 2005 and 2010 revolutions in Kyrgyzstan: "Kyrgyzstan has endured several serious internal political least two," adding, "the country needs political stability."

Putin also said that as part of achieving stability, the people in Kyrgyzstan should "unite around the current president and help him in developing the state."

The feud between Atambaev and Jeenbekov did not end and barely two weeks later, elite troops of Kyrgyzstan's Interior Ministry raided Atambaev's compound outside Bishkek. After a deadly standoff, Atambaev surrendered and was eventually put in prison.

Then in October 2020, protests over the results of rigged parliamentary elections ousted Jeenbekov. But Moscow's relations with the new government of President Sadyr Japarov have been icy.

Rahmon, on the other hand, has been in power in Tajikistan for nearly 29 years and, for the Kremlin, he represents stability in a country that borders Afghanistan. Russia has put a lot of effort and money into making Tajikistan a country that could hold the line against spillover from Afghanistan.

However, in his meeting with Rahmon on May 8, Putin also spoke about Tajik migrant laborers in Russia. "I know this is a sensitive issue for Tajikistan," he said. "A significant volume of support for the families [of migrant laborers] is sent from Russia back home [to Tajikistan]."

That is true also for Kyrgyzstan. Hundreds of thousands of citizens of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan work in Russia and send money back to their families. Without these funds the economies of both countries would collapse, and the resulting economic decline would fuel social unrest.

By promising to lend further help to Tajikistan's military, Putin might be sending a message to Kyrgyz authorities to forget about any thoughts of renewing aggression along the border with Tajikistan, and by mentioning the billions of dollars migrant laborers send back, he sends a message to both countries about the potential leverage Russia can employ against Tajikistan -- or Kyrgyzstan -- if either side takes measures along their common border that destabilize the situation.

Offering Condolences, Aid

While the Kremlin needs to maintain some sort of balancing act, other countries do not. Again, no country or international organization has come out on the side of either Kyrgyzstan or Tajikistan. But some have sent messages of sympathy over losses from the fighting.

Kazakh President Qasym-Zhomart Toqaev phoned President Japarov on May 1 to express his condolences to the victims of the fighting in the southern Batken Province, and to say Kazakhstan was ready to render humanitarian aid to Kyrgyzstan.

Toqaev also spoke with Rahmon, who reportedly "informed [Toqaev] in detail" about the history of the border conflict and the current situation. Toqaev also offered to help mediate between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan and is scheduled to visit Dushanbe on May 19-20.

On May 4, Turkmen Foreign Minister Rashid Meredov phoned Kyrgyz counterpart Ruslan Kazakbaev to offer Turkmenistan's condolences "to family and friends of the deceased citizens of Kyrgyzstan."

That same day, Armenian Foreign Minister Ara Ayvazyan phoned Kazakbekov with the same message. Ayvazyan also spoke with Tajik Foreign Minister Sirojiddin Muhriddin on May 4, but reports did not mention if Ayvazyan expressed any condolences for Tajik losses.

Japarov spoke with Putin on May 10 and the two reportedly discussed the recent fighting.

Putin promised to provide humanitarian aid for Kyrgyzstan, but a phone call is not the same as two days of meetings in Moscow, even though many of the details of the Putin-Rahmon talks -- particularly their discussion of the fighting along the border -- remain unknown.

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About This Blog

Qishloq Ovozi is a blog by RFE/RL Central Asia specialist Bruce Pannier that aims to look at the events that are shaping Central Asia and its respective countries, connect the dots to shed light on why those processes are occurring, and identify the agents of change.

Content draws on the extensive knowledge and contacts of RFE/RL's Central Asian services but also allow scholars in the West, particularly younger scholars who will be tomorrow’s experts on the region, opportunities to share their views on the evolving situation at this Eurasian crossroad.

The name means "Village Voice" in Uzbek. But don't be fooled, Qishloq Ovozi is about all of Central Asia.


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