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Mahmadsaid Ubaidulloev had been serving as Dushanbe's mayor since 1996 before his surprise removal this month. (file photo)

One of the last major figures of Tajikistan's civil war era has just been removed from a key post he held for 20 years.

Mahmadsaid Ubaidulloev might not be a name well known outside Tajikistan, but he has most certainly been someone well known to Tajikistan's people throughout its 25-year history as an independent country. Ubaidulloev is part of Tajikistan's history.

On January 12, many news outlets reported that Rustam Emomali, the 29-year-old son of Tajikistan's president, had been appointed mayor of the Tajik capital, Dushanbe. Passing mention was made of the fact that the Tajik president's son replaced Ubaidulloev, who had been Dushanbe's mayor since 1996.

Ubaidulloev was once considered by many to be one of the most powerful people in Tajikistan, possibly the most powerful for a time.He was occasionally perceived as an enemy of Tajik President Emomali Rahmon, and though he was often not loved by the people of Dushanbe, or Tajikistan in general, the fact that he could resist, and even confront Rahmon raised hopes that it could be possible one day to replace the long-time Tajik president.

Ubaidulloev is from Kulob, the same region as President Emomali Rahmon. When Tajikistan became independent in late 1991, Ubaidulloev was the deputy chairman of the Kulob region's executive committee.

After independence, Ubaidulloev quickly rose through the ranks of government. By 1992 he was deputy chairman of the cabinet of ministers, tasked with overseeing the energy ministries.

Tajikistan's civil war had started that same year and at the end of 1992, Rahmon, a little known figure until that time, was named speaker of parliament, which since there was no office of president at the time, made him effectively the head of the government.

In 1994, Rahmon was elected to the reinstated post of president and Ubaidulloev became first deputy prime minister. From 1994 to 1997, Ubaidulloev was part of Tajik government delegations that met at the negotiating table with the United Tajik Opposition (UTO), the government's opponents in the civil war, to try to reach a peace agreement.

Bizarre Incident

Rahmon was barely clinging to power during the civil war years. He was pulled and manipulated by outside powers, first and foremost Russia, which was propping up Rahmon's government during the civil war, but also by Iran and certainly by neighbor Uzbekistan.

In fact, Rahmon's weak hold on power led to Ubaidulloev becoming Dushanbe's mayor.

In February 1996, in one of the more bizarre incidents of the civil war, the commander of one of the government's best-equipped and best-trained units suddenly advanced on Dushanbe making demands for changes in the government.

Colonel Mahmud Khudaiberdiev threatened to attack the capital unless Rahmon sacked several top officials, Ubaidulloev among them. (The others were Prime Minister Jamshed Karimov, presidential chief of staff Izatullo Khayayev, and the head of the Khatlon region, Abduljalil Salimov.)

Rahmon acquiesced, but quickly gave Ubaidulloev the post of chairman, later mayor, of Dushanbe, where he remained until January 12, 2017.

It was during the last years of the 1990s that many felt it was actually Ubaidulloev who was running Tajikistan. He would interrupt when Rahmon was speaking in government sessions or parliament, and in meetings with other government officials he openly criticized Rahmon for being "too soft," or for nepotism and corruption.

The Tajik Peace Accord signed on June 27, 1997, ended open hostilities between the government and the UTO but it did not end the violence.Tajikistan was a dangerous place for several years after the official end of the war.

On February 16, 2000, a car bomb was placed in a vehicle in which Ubaidulloev was traveling. Ubaidulloev survived but the person in the seat in front of him, Deputy Security Minister Shamsullo Jabirov, was killed.

Two months later, on April 17, 2000, the upper house of Tajikistan's parliament, the Majlisi Milli, held its first session and Ubaidulloev was selected Senate chairman, the second highest post in Tajikistan. He still holds that post, for now.

Mixed Legacy

Ubaidulloev is known for being a tough person. His legacy as Dushanbe mayor will probably be mixed for residents of the Tajik capital.

Ubaidulloev expended great efforts on trying to modernize a city that really had not been anything more than a town where there was a bazaar every Monday, until the Soviet Union made Dushanbe into a regional center and later republic capital, though from 1929 to 1961 it was called Stalinabad.

Many buildings and flats were razed make room for modern structures. Often those losing their homes were poorly compensated.

Ubaidulloev also ordered an end to people keeping farm animals in the capital. He came out against women wearing the hijab or other, in his view, foreign Muslim attire. And he led the campaign against playing "loud," usually Western, music in Dushanbe, once branding rap music as "alien to national and universal human values."

With the exception of President Rahmon, Ubaidulloev was the last person from the civil war era to hold a top post in government.

Ubaidulloev will turn 65 on February 1. He is certainly eligible to retire.

But when state television showed footage of Rustam Emomali being officially named Dushanbe's mayor, the look on Ubaidolloev's face spoke volumes about what he was feeling.*

Ubaidulloev is a political survivor and has been for many years. We probably have not heard the last of him even if he is no longer mayor of Tajikistan's capital.

*You can see Ubaidulloev's reaction​ in this video, from 00:26 to 00:45 seconds. (Ubaidulloev is sitting in the center with Rustam Emomali to his left.)

Iskander Aliev from RFE/RL's Tajik Service, and Salimjon Aioub from RFE/RL's Russian-language Central Asia News service contributed to this report
The views expressed in this blog post do not necessarily reflect the views of RFE/RL.

RFE/RL's Turkmen Service reports that some owners of livestock appear to be selling meat from potentially infected animals along roadsides at half the cost of state stores. (file photo)

An increasingly clear picture is emerging of Turkmenistan’s economic problems and their effects on its population, thanks to RFE/RL’s Turkmen Service and sites like,, and

Joblessness is rising and many employed people aren't getting paid on time. There are shortages of basic goods and long lines as people wait to purchase rations of cooking oil, sugar, flour, meat, and other items.

But there are also other indicators of an ailing economy.

RFE/RL's Turkmen Service, known locally as Azatlyk, has reported on a suspected anthrax outbreak in the northern province of Dashoguz. People there say cattle are showing signs of the sickness.

Turkmen authorities have not said anything about it, but they almost never do, or would.

In areas of southern Kazakhstan, not adjacent to but not far from Turkmenistan, there have been officially reported cases of anthrax among cattle, and Turkmen authorities recently ordered the closure of their border with Kazakhstan. So it’s possible that is what is afflicting cattle in northern Turkmenistan.

Large areas of Central Asia are routinely given over to the herds, so such local outbreaks are recurrent and easily recognizable to locals.

In the case of Dashoguz, part of the problem seems to lie in the rising price of antianthrax vaccines, which is likely to have discouraged some herders from vaccinating their cattle.

Poultry is also dying off in some regions.

Azatlyk reports that some of the owners of those animals appear to be selling that meat along roadsides at half the cost of state stores. In some cases, livestock and poultry owners are hurriedly slaughtering their animals before they might show signs of disease.

Turkmenistan devalued its currency, the manat, by some 23 percent in early 2015 but has taken no further steps on the currency to complicate foreign trade. Additionally, Turkmen authorities have limited the amount of hard currency available not just to citizens but also to businesses. So purchasing vaccines, or medicines more broadly, has become much more expensive.

That makes it more difficult for Turkmenistan’s people to buy foreign-made products and for Turkmenistan’s government to stock up on potentially necessary items. Cuts have to made somewhere during hard economic times.

The government appears to have failed to purchase sufficient vaccines for Hepatitis A, for example. There was an outbreak of Hepatitis A in areas of Turkmenistan in November that mainly appeared to affect young schoolchildren.

In Dashoguz Province, not only did many children become ill with Hepatitis A, but some doctors misdiagnosed the symptoms. In at least two cases, doctors operated on children for appendicitis before learning the children had Hepatitis A, underscoring deficiencies in Turkmen health care.

Just after New Year's, a report said Russian company Vektor-Bi Algam would be sending vaccines for Hepatitis A.

While that is some consolation, the average citizen of Turkmenistan still faces financial problems buying medicines. Azatlyk reports that the price of medicine has roughly doubled since January 1.

Many medicines and vaccines are apparently unavailable at state pharmacies. Workers at private pharmacies in Turkmenistan, speaking on condition of anonymity, complain that nearly all medicines and vaccines are produced outside Turkmenistan, forcing those businesses into using black-market rates that heavily debase their manats.

It's a grim start to 2017, which President Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov has declared the Year Of Health in Turkmenistan.

With contributions from RFE/RL's Turkmen Service
The views expressed in this blog post do not necessarily reflect the views of RFE/RL.

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About This Blog

Qishloq Ovozi is a blog by RFE/RL Central Asia specialist Bruce Pannier that aims to look at the events that are shaping Central Asia and its respective countries, connect some of the dots to shed light on why those processes are occurring, and identify the agents of change.

Bruce Pannier
Bruce Pannier

Content draws on the extensive knowledge and contacts of RFE/RL's Central Asian services but also allow scholars in the West, particularly younger scholars who will be tomorrow’s experts on the region, opportunities to share their views on the evolving situation at this Eurasian crossroad.

The name means "Village Voice" in Uzbek. But don't be fooled, Qishloq Ovozi is about all of Central Asia.



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