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Serbian Prime Minister Aleksandar Vucic (left) and Croatian President Kolinda Grabar-Kitarovic gave the impression of performing a mildly unpleasant but unavoidable duty, doing their best to project an image of harmony and friendship.

Relations between Serbia and Croatia are at their lowest ebb in years. Belgrade is upset with Croatia for blocking its path to EU membership. Croatia would like Serbia to change its laws and renounce what it sees as Belgrade's tendency to act as the "regional policeman."

There are other issues, too. Serbia lodged an official protest with the EU over a recent exhibition at the European Parliament celebrating the life of Croatian Cardinal Alojz Stepinac, a hugely controversial figure. Stepinac was sentenced as a Nazi collaborator after World War II, yet he was in the process of being beatified by Pope John Paul II before he died. There are some indications that he may have opposed the racist and murderous policies of the wartime Nazi puppet regime in Croatia. His beatification is currently on hold.

But all this was hastily swept under the carpet on June 20, when Serbian Prime Minister Aleksandar Vucic met Croatian President Kolinda Grabar-Kitarovic. Both gave the impression of performing a mildly unpleasant but unavoidable duty, doing their best to project an image of harmony and friendship. Trying to act like responsible adults, they repeated platitudes about the importance of regional stability and peace.

Yet for both parties, the summit was a welcome respite from growing troubles at home.

Vucic was no doubt happy to be away from Belgrade, where he would have to face continued questions from journalists over the delay in forming a government. He could also temporarily ignore the pressure being put on him by Moscow to include ministers that would meet with Putin's approval. By comparison, it was much easier to spend time with Grabar-Kitarovic, exchanging views on minority rights, missing people, and fixing the border between the two neighboring states, than having to report to Putin or run the domestic media gauntlet.

Meanwhile, the denouement of an unprecedented political crisis was unfolding in Zagreb. An overwhelming majority of parliamentary deputies voted for a motion of no confidence in the government on June 15, leading to the dissolution of the Croatian parliament and paving the way to fresh elections. Apart from Prime Minister Tihomir Oreskovic, the biggest casualty of the crisis has been Tomislav Karamarko, the deposed leader of Grabar-Kitarovic's party, the opposition Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), which is now looking for a replacement. All of this puts Grabar-Kitarovic in a bind, as the shape of any new government is likely to be less to her liking.

WATCH: Serbian and Croatian leaders have taken part in a series of symbolic gestures in a renewed effort to repair strained relations.

Serbian And Croatian Leaders Meet Aiming To Mend Relations
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Yet as if the country's deepening political crisis was not enough, the president waded headlong into the fallout from the actions of Croatian fans at the ongoing Euro 2016 soccer championship. A group of Croatian fans threw flares during the match against the Czech Republic and fought with fellow supporters in Saint-Etienne on June 17. The troublemakers were promptly branded "sports terrorists" by the Croatian team's coach, and Grabar-Kitarovic poured oil on the fire by referring to them as "enemies of the state, and haters of their homeland," calling for an emergency meeting of the government to deal with the issue. (There were fears that the Croatian team might be ejected from the competition, but in the end the Croatian Football Federation escaped with a 100,000-euro [$113,395] fine and the threat of a ticket-sale ban.)

After meeting with representatives of the Serbian minority in Croatia, Vucic and Grabar-Kitarovic took a short helicopter ride to the Serbian town Donji Tavankut. It is a village near Subotica, in northern Serbia, with a majority ethnic Croatian population. Welcomed with applause by the locals, they visited an art gallery and attended performances organized by local cultural associations. It was a rather unlikely choice of location for Grabar-Kitarovic's first visit to Serbia.

Agreeing To Disagree

Despite the cordial atmosphere, the most divisive issues between the two countries remain. Talking to Croatian TV before the meeting, Vucic claimed that he was ready to open any question. Yet some questions are clearly more difficult to broach.

"I am aware that if we invoke certain emotional topics, we will not find common ground. If we were to talk about the Croatian 'Storm' [the military operation that led to Croatia's liberation in 1995] 99 percent of Croats would see it as a heroic event worthy of celebration. At the same time, 99 percent of Serbs would consider it as the darkest day of their life because Serbs were expelled from their homes."

Neither Vucic nor Grabar-Kitarovic are ready to deal with the issue of Operation Storm. Serbia is still not ready to accept its responsibility for starting the war, while Croatia is not prepared to start a serious discussion about the crimes committed during its liberation. Their solution is to respectfully agree to disagree.

It seems that both Vucic and Grabar-Kitarovic imagine relations between the two countries in which Serbs recognize the Croats' right to celebrate Operation Storm, while Croats respect the Serbs' laments over its outcome. Conflicting truths about the most painful period in recent shared history are somehow meant to coexist, without affecting mutual relations. Repressing collective emotions and refusing to face the facts -- by both sides -- is surely not the basis for any meaningful progress and regional cooperation.

Perhaps in spite of the sound bites about meaningful talks, the leaders' summit will not achieve anything apart from its symbolic importance -- but in relations between Serbia and Croatia, neighbors and erstwhile foes, symbols count for something.

World-renowned scientist and inventor Nikola Tesla (1856-1943) was an ethnic Serb who was born and raised in Croatia. He emigrated to the United States in 1884.

The dispute over the final resting place of the remains of Nikola Tesla, the scientist and inventor, has flared up again. The debate has been raging since 2006, and pits the Serbian government and the Orthodox Church against sections of the public and the scientific community.

The inventor's ashes have been on display in an elegant gold-plated urn at the Tesla Museum in the Serbian capital Belgrade since 1957.

However, in a recent meeting between Patriarch Irinej, the primate of the Serbian Orthodox Church, and President Tomislav Nikolic, the idea of relocating Tesla's ashes to the temple of St. Sava -- originally proposed a few years ago -- has been resurrected.

The urn is supposed to be placed in the portico of St. Sava's church and a monument to Tesla is planned for the area between the church and the library.

Belgrade-based science reporter Slobodan Bubnjevic considers the initiative to move Tesla's ashes to the church of St. Sava as objectionable now as it was before.

"The urn belongs to the Nikola Tesla Museum," he said. "That had been [Tesla's own] wish, and the wish of his heirs, those appointed by Tesla to take care of his remains. It would be a cultural travesty on the part of the Orthodox Church [to have the ashes moved]."

'The Son Of A Priest'

Meanwhile, the editor of the Orthodox Church magazine Ljubomir Rankovic, in conversation with RFE/RL in Belgrade, insisted that St. Sava's church would be the ideal repository for Tesla's remains.

"Vracar Hill holds symbolic meaning for all Serbs as the location of the monument to one of the most important Serbs of all time," he said. (St. Sava was the first archbishop and founder of the Serbian Orthodox Church. Next to the church is a monument to Karadjordje, the leader of the First Serbian Uprising against Ottoman rule.) "Bearing in mind that Tesla was the son of a priest, and grew up in a priestly family, I see no reason why the urn of such a great scientist should not be placed on that hill. Not that the hill would in some way enhance Tesla's greatness, but because of the light that such a move would bring to all Serbs."

Light, of course, has already been given not just to Serbs but to the world, partly thanks to Tesla, who was instrumental in the development of electric power.

Belgrade's Nikola Tesla Museum is an important location in its own right, and has received more than 1 million visitors since its opening in 1952. In 2014, a protest against the removal of Tesla's ashes attracted thousands of citizens of Belgrade. A Facebook campaign, "Leave Tesla Alone," started almost immediately after the announcement, and gathered tens of thousands of supporters on social media.

WATCH: Belgrade's Nikola Tesla Museum

I feel strongly that Tesla's ashes should stay in the museum. The museum is Tesla's temple, and its door is open to people of all ages, genders, religions, nationalities, and races.

The museum must respect Tesla's wishes and those of his family, according to the museum's director Vladimir Jelenkovic.

"Dr. Milica Trbojevic and Sava Kosanovic, Tesla's niece and nephew, made the decision to transfer the urn from New York [where he died] to Belgrade in 1957, and to have it exhibited in the Nikola Tesla Museum," he said. "That was also the desire of Tesla's sister's great-grandchild, William Terbo, the only surviving relative of Tesla."

The church meanwhile wants to emphasize Tesla's Orthodox connection, highlighting the fact that his father was a priest.

Ethnic Dimension

There is also an ethnic dimension. Tesla's identity has been the subject of a long-running dispute between Serbs and Croats. (Tesla was an ethnic Serb from Croatia.) It appears that the Orthodox Church wants to put an end to this by placing the famous scientist's remains under the roof of the most important church in Serbia.

But Tesla himself provided the best answer to the question of his identity. In response to a message from Croatian politician Vlatko Macek, in 1936, Tesla sent a telegram that read: "Thank you very much for your greatly appreciated congratulations. I am equally proud of my Serbian origin and my Croatian fatherland."

Tesla was born into an ethnic Serb family in Smiljan, a small town in what was then a part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and now Croatia. He became a U.S. citizen in 1891.

One among a number of recent tweets regarding the proposed move captured the feelings of many in Belgrade: "Tesla belongs to the world, not a decoration in a church."

The dispute could take another turn with the approach of the July 10 anniversary, when the scientific community will mark 160 years since Tesla's birth. It will be another test for Belgrade civil society.

The church hierarchy seems intent on enlisting the famous scientist's legacy in its ongoing efforts to stoke Serbian nationalism. Bearing in mind the power and political influence of the Orthodox Church in Serbia, it will be an uneven fight.

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About This Blog

Balkans Without Borders offers personal commentary on contemporary Balkan politics and culture. It is written by Gordana Knezevic, senior journalist and former award-winning editor of the Sarajevo daily Oslobodjenje, as well as the director of RFE/RL’s Balkan Service between 2008 and 2016. The blog reflects on the myriad ways in which the absurdities of Balkan politics and the ongoing historical shifts and realignments affect the lives of people in the region.


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