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Serbian General Vladimir Lazarevic, ultimately convicted of command responsibility for war crimes committed against the civilian population during the 1998-99 Kosovo war, is seen during his initial appearance at The Hague tribunal on February 7, 2005.

It was a disappointment, but no surprise, to human rights activists in Belgrade when it was officially announced that senior officers convicted of -- or alleged to have committed -- war crimes would join the teaching staff at the Military Academy.

Aleksandar Vulin, the Serbian defense minister, justified the move as an act of restitution.

"The a way of correcting the injustice [the officers] have been suffering," he said, adding that wartime generals had a "great deal of experience to impart to their younger colleagues."

One of those called upon to pass on their experience to future Serbian Army officers is General Vladimir Lazarevic, the former commander of the Pristina Corps of the Yugoslav Army. In 2009, he was convicted at The Hague tribunal of command responsibility for war crimes committed against the civilian population during the 1998-99 Kosovo war.

Attempts by RFE/RL's Belgrade bureau to find out which subjects would be taught by the convicted general received only a vague response from the Defense Ministry, stating that "all prominent senior officers who served in the most recent conflicts (the Kosovo war and the NATO campaign in 1999) should pass on their knowledge and experience to academics."

The ministry further announced that while the General Staff and the ministry itself will provide a list of candidates, the final choice of instructors will be made by the Military Academy -- and that those selected would have the rank of unpaid visiting instructors.

Lazarevic inspects Serb positions near the Serbian-Kosovar border town of Bujanovac in November 2000.
Lazarevic inspects Serb positions near the Serbian-Kosovar border town of Bujanovac in November 2000.

Other notable officers slated to become instructors include retired general and Serb Radical Party member Bozidar Delic, as well as the current chief of staff of the Serbian Army, Ljubisa Dikovic -- both dogged by allegations of war crimes.

The lack of accountability seems to reflect a desire to forget -- or to rewrite -- the history of the 1990s.

However, at least some in Serbia, albeit a minority, are refusing to draw a veil over those dark years in the nation's history.

The Hague tribunal sentenced Lazarevic to 14 years in prison for his role in the crimes against civilians, and he was released having served two-thirds of his prison term.

Serbian Defense Minister Aleksandar Vulin said he believes "the a way of correcting the injustice [the officers] have been suffering."
Serbian Defense Minister Aleksandar Vulin said he believes "the a way of correcting the injustice [the officers] have been suffering."

Nemanja Stjepanovic of the Humanitarian Law Center is appalled that those responsible for the deaths of thousands of civilians -- killed by troops under their command and in areas they controlled -- should be training new recruits to the officer corps.

"First, Lazarevic was convicted of abetting a joint criminal enterprise, as someone responsible for the deportation and forcible resettlement of Albanian civilians from Kosovo in 1999. He served out his sentence and returned to Serbia. In the area assigned to [Bozidar] Delic's 549th brigade, around 2,200 Albanian civilians were killed. In the area under the control of Ljubisa Dikic's unit, around 1,400 civilians perished, while in the Pristina Corps' zone of operations, under the command of Lazarevic from March 24 to June 10, 1999, 6,200 civilians were killed," Stjepanovic said.

There was no subsequent investigation of those crimes and nothing was done to punish the perpetrators, Stjepanovic added, and most of the victims ended up in mass graves in Serbia -- of which around 1,000 have been located thus far in four separate locations.

What are they going to teach? Will they teach students how to cover up war crimes? How not to reveal where the bodies are hidden?"
-- Nemanja Stjepanovic, Humanitarian Law Center

Yet, the Serbian defense minister insists that "there is no longer a reason to stand in the way of those who defended the nation during the NATO aggression" and keep them from the Military Academy, and that Serbia should "not be ashamed" of them any longer.

Stjepanovic is unimpressed.

"What are they going to teach? Will they teach students how to cover up war crimes? How not to reveal where the bodies are hidden? How to protect soldiers under their command guilty of war crimes? Is that on their syllabus? Or how to effectively expel 800,000 people from their homes? Because that's how many Kosovo Albanians were expelled in only 2 1/2 months, according to the records of The Hague trials," Stjepanovic said.

Sonja Biserko, the president of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia (HCHRS), is worried about "war criminals setting the moral standard in society and influencing the next generation of officers," but she also sees a broader agenda at work.

"It is not just about the return of convicted war criminals. There is a wider pattern of denial, the normalization of [former Serbian President Slobodan] Milosevic's policies and their continuation. It all means that Serbia may not be on the road to EU membership, because one of the bloc's conditions is for the country to face up to its past," Biserko told the Vojvodina Research and Analytical Center (VOICE).

The historian Dubravka Stojanovic, also speaking to VOICE, laments that "the same agendas and the same people who led Serbia into the wars [of the 1990s] are on the scene."

However, speaking to Novosti, retired General Radovan Radinovic defended Lazarevic's record.

"No one can take away his actions in defense of his country from NATO aggression. He is no criminal; he never committed a crime personally. He was convicted of command responsibility, which is a crime invented to persecute Serbs, and to go after the entire political and military leadership for opposing the seizure of their country, and defending itself against attack."

The U.S. ambassador to Serbia, Kyle Scott: "Soldiers have a duty to disobey orders that are against the rules of war."
The U.S. ambassador to Serbia, Kyle Scott: "Soldiers have a duty to disobey orders that are against the rules of war."

U.S. Ambassador Kyle Scott refused to comment on whether convicted war criminals should be instructing the new generation of Serbian officers, saying that he did not have all the details. However, he added that it could not happen in the United States because the rules of war and respect for the Geneva Conventions are taught at all military academies.

"Soldiers have a duty to disobey orders that are against the rules of war. It is inconceivable that someone like Lieutenant [William] Calley, whose unit was responsible for the massacre at My Lai [in South Vietnam in 1968], or the commander of Abu Ghraib [prison camp in Iraq] would be selected to teach American soldiers about the conduct of war or how to run a prison," Scott explained.

In Serbia, meanwhile, politicians and military commanders seem to be stuck in a vision of the past that is partial at best. Thus, Defense Minister Vulin and those who are defending the appointment of Lazarevic and others linked to war crimes as instructors at the Military Academy recall their service during the NATO bombing campaign -- cast as a war of self-defense -- while appearing to forget what led to it, and the thousands of Albanian civilians buried in unmarked mass graves, many of whose killers are still at large in Serbia.

The views expressed in this blog post do not necessarily reflect those of RFE/RL.
Macedonian Prime Minister Zoran Zaev now has his work cut out for him.

Macedonia's Social Democrats won an unexpectedly large share of the vote in municipal elections that essentially became a referendum on the country's future. That future, at least based on expectations recorded at the local level on October 15, is a European one.

The ruling Social Democratic Union (SDSM) party headed by Prime Minister Zoran Zaev staved off a late run by its biggest rival, Nikola Gruevski's nationalist VMRO-DPMNE party, which seemed on the eve of the vote to be poised for a strong showing.

Gruevski was countering the Brussels-leaning vision of the SDSM by offering a return to a supposedly better past. But in the end it was Zaev who won the day, in large part due to the support of urban voters who endorsed the sitting government's pro-Western agenda.

It marked another setback for the VMRO-DPMNE, which in December 2016's parliamentary elections failed to win enough seats to form the government for the first time in a decade.

During the campaign, Zaev promised that Macedonia would become the 30th member of NATO, and would push for negotiations to join the European Union. It has been a candidate for accession to the EU since 2005, but the goal is to enter accession negotiations despite the bloc's vow not to expand in the near future.

The Social Democrats won a majority in almost 50 of a total of 81 municipalities, including the capital, Skopje. Their coalition partner, the ethnic Albanian Democratic Union for Integration (DUI), won in 12 municipalities. By contrast, Gruevski's party -- which dominated all levels of government for more than a decade and is still the biggest party in parliament -- triumphed in only nine municipalities.

Zaev sent a message to the newly elected mayors that the era of "local sheriffs" running their own show had ended, and that the government would expect them to act with integrity.

"I appeal for honesty, dedication, and responsibility. I demand a responsible local and central government," Zaev said. "I feel great joy, but the weight of responsibility is equally great."

Shifting Landscape

Andrea Stojkovski tweeted that the election results would put the wind back in the sail of democratic reforms -- which, along with hammering out a solution with Greece on its long-contentious name issue, are required of Macedonia if it hopes to move forward on its road to NATO membership -- but also brought a mountain of obligations.

Marko Trosanovski of the Macedonian Institute for Democracy tries to explain the significance of the Social Democrats winning at the local level. "In the parliamentary elections people calculated that it was safer to vote for those already in power, fearing revenge and some kind of sanction from the then-ruling VMRO-DPMNE."

However, the narrow and against-all-odds win by Zaev's Social Democrats in December changed the playing field. "Our research in the institute shows that voters not only in Macedonia but in other Balkan countries have the tendency to side with winners," Troshanovski told RFE/RL in Skopje.

Political analyst Alaydin Demiri believes the message of the local elections is clear, and that the Social Democrats will feel emboldened enough to call new parliamentary elections in the spring.

"It should not be forgotten that the real winner of last year's parliamentary elections was VMRO-DPMNE [as the largest single party, despite being unable to form a government], and that the ruling SDSM's hold on power is precarious and requires a more resounding electoral victory," Demiri says.

Troshanovski agrees that early parliamentary elections are now more likely.

Jailed Whistle-Blower

The VMRO-DPMNE, meanwhile, has questioned the validity of the local elections, which saw it lose control of a host of municipalities. Party leader and former Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski said the October 15 vote "took place in an undemocratic atmosphere and in unfair conditions."

It has been said that failure is always an orphan, while victory has many fathers.

One of the "fathers" in this case is surely former Macedonian security official Gjorgi Lazarevski, one of three agents who leaked information about the illegal wiretapping of ordinary citizens carried out without warrants at the order of Gruevski when he was prime minister.

Macedonia entered a full-blown crisis in 2015 after opposition parties accused Gruevski and his counterintelligence chief of masterminding the wiretapping of more than 20,000 people. It dissipated only after the European Union mediated a deal that called for early elections and the appointment of a special prosecutor to probe the content of the wiretaps.

Lazarevski, who was arrested in January 2015, described how difficult it had been to give his testimony in the presence of a former colleague, with a prosecutor in the next room.

"I told the truth to two institutions, but instead of giving me the status of a whistle-blower, I was charged with espionage," he told the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP), recounting the dramatic events that had upended the life of his family, and the whole country as a whole.

Lazarevski and his colleagues spent 11 months in prison before the Special Prosecutor's Office dropped the charges against them. At the same time, prosecutors opened a new investigation into the former interior minister under the Zaev government, as well as the intelligence chief and his closest associates.

Zaev took office in May, nearly six months after the December elections, ending a two-year political crisis over a wiretapping scandal that brought down the previous government. The delay was caused by obstacles created by President Gjorge Ivanov, who supported Gruevski even when he did not have legal means to form a government.

The Macedonian columnist Zvezdan Georgievski predicts the start of a new era, and sees the outcome of the local elections as an unequivocal repudiation of the criminality and corruption that plagued former Prime Minister Gruevski's government.

Now, as the initial euphoria over the unexpectedly decisive victory wanes, Zaev and his party face the difficult task of delivering on the European promise, which will require securing an independent judiciary, nurturing a free press, and perhaps the hardest of all -- negotiations with Greece over the country's disputed name.

The views expressed in this blog post do not necessarily reflect those of RFE/RL

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About This Blog

Balkans Without Borders offers personal commentary on contemporary Balkan politics and culture. It is written by Gordana Knezevic, senior journalist and former award-winning editor of the Sarajevo daily Oslobodjenje, as well as the director of RFE/RL’s Balkan Service between 2008 and 2016. The blog reflects on the myriad ways in which the absurdities of Balkan politics and the ongoing historical shifts and realignments affect the lives of people in the region.


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