Russia is rightly worried about the impact of the drug war in Afghanistan -- but its proposals have received little attention from the EU and NATO.
The last time Ukraine faced a slide toward authoritarianism led by the president, in 2004, the opposition united to counteract it. Can the opposition do the same this time around?
Unless there is a genuine effort to understand the roots of the crisis in Afghanistan and solve it in accordance with local traditions, it will be almost impossible to convince pro-Taliban fighters to lay down their weapons.
Washington appears to counter messages sent by Russian politicians and experts, mostly through informal channels, that the Obama administration does not really care about Georgia, and so the latter should deal with Russia on its own.
Lech Kaczynski wanted Poland to be strong. He looked uncompromisingly at what he saw as key weaknesses in his country as it had had emerged from its bleak modern history.
Of the hundreds of political prisoners in Iranian jails, there is one group, probably the only one, who have been tried and imprisoned not for attending demonstrations and not for writing and speaking publicly against the government, but simply for being members of a persecuted faith: the Baha'is.
From the 14th-century satirical poet Obeyd Zakani to Forugh Farrokhzad, one of Iran's most famous 20th-century female poets, hundreds of writers, poets, historians, and thinkers are banned or censored.
Former British diplomat Charles Crawford says it's time to reorganize the confusing set of authorities and policies dealing with Bosnia, Kosovo, and Macedonia.
Many Kyrgyz citizens feel betrayed by the government of President Kurmanbek Bakiev. Does this mean that there was no “revolution” in 2005? If we are returning to semi-authoritarianism, can we say that any revolution took place at all?
This year's Norouz strangely united fundamentalist Iranian Shi'a and Afghan Sunnis in rejecting century-old national traditions.
As Ankara has worked to improve relations with Iran, person-to-person bilateral contacts have blossomed in recent years. The experience, Abbas Djavadi writes, has been good for both sides.
If Mustafa Dzhemilev, the leader of Ukraine's Crimean Tatars, was shocked or otherwise unpleasantly surprised to find himself in Brussels addressing less than two dozen people in a dusty room capable of accommodating some 150, he did not show it.
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