When Iranian President Mahmud Ahmadinejad delivered a speech at a highly anticipated government rally last month, Tehran's Azadi Stadium was nearly empty.

At least that's how it appeared in footage aired by Iran's state-controlled television.

If one were to judge by a video posted on Ahmadinejad's website, however, they would get a much different picture. That video shows a stadium with a capacity of 100,000 more than half full. Some moderate websites and news agencies estimated that between 60,000 and 70,000 attended the gathering.

The discrepancy highlights the battle for influence that is being waged in the Iranian media ahead of the country's June 14 presidential election.

Scores of politicians will officially file their names as candidates this week, with the preliminary registration process taking place from May 7-11. From the initial list the number of names is expected to be whittled down to a select few by the Guardians Council, which has the final say in approving candidates.

As candidates prepare to try their luck in the political game, the media environment has already turned foul, pitting the combative outgoing Ahmadinejad against powerful rivals close to Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

'Deviant Current'

Reports in some state-controlled media show Ahmadinejad in an unflattering light, depicting the president as grooming a handpicked successor -- his right-hand man, Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei -- in an attempt to maintain influence. Under Iran's constitution, Ahmadinejad cannot run for a third consecutive term.

Iranian media have been always closely connected to politics, with each political faction controlling several outlets.

The state broadcast is under the direct control of Khamenei and his allies, as is the ultra-hard-line daily "Kayhan," which is said to be the mouthpiece of the supreme leader. Ahmadinejad and his government control the state news agency IRNA, the daily "Iran," and a number of websites and blogs. Other factions and centers of power, including the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), have their own media outlets.

Ahead of the June 14 vote, media on one side have taken to describing Ahmadinejad and members of his close circle as the "deviant current." Ahmadinejad, through his outlets, has spread warnings about official electioneering and has made thinly veiled threats to leak damaging files about Iranian authorities.

A report aired by state television in March provides a window into the concerns Ahmadinejad's rivals have about him influencing the presidential race, even if they don't mention him by name.

"Some are not candidates themselves. According to the law, they cannot run in this term. It is said that they have plans for the elections," the announcer says. "This group has a main candidate and several secondary ones. If the main candidate is disqualified, the group will create a [crisis]."

Coverage Meant To Embarrass

State television, watched by millions of Iranians, has become the main platform for attacks against the president. In recent weeks, it has aired talk shows attended by critics of the president who have blasted his economic policies and accused him of mismanagement. Coverage of recent trips Ahmadinejad has made to Iran's provinces, which are believed to be part of his strategy to promote Mashaei, are also clearly aimed at embarrassing him.

Manuchehr Honarmand, editor in chief of the Iran-related video portal Lenziran, follows Iran's state broadcasts closely. He says the tide has clearly turned against Ahmadinejad, a former Khamenei protege who fell out of favor due to a power struggle with the supreme leader.

"First of all, [state TV] doesn't have live coverage of Ahmadinejad's trips to the provinces anymore, and it airs footage [of Ahmadinejad events] that shows empty stadiums and squares," Honarmand says. "Ahmadinejad's team has retaliated by posting videos of the speeches he gives during his provincial trips on his website."

On April 28, state television was accused in reports by IRNA of "childish" behavior and biased coverage aimed at preventing citizens from welcoming Ahmadinejad to their provinces and attending his events.

"Unfortunately, the state broadcast of the province dismissed the dense crowd that had come to Imam's Square to welcome the president," Isfahan Governor Zaker Esfahani was quoted as saying by IRNA. "It showed the empty spaces around the square."

All Criticism Permissible

Aside from state media, websites close to some of Ahmadinejad's opponents have joined in the apparent effort to discredit the president by posting pictures of poorly attended speeches, conducting interviews with his critics, and reporting polls that show dissatisfaction with his policies.

The opposition Kalame website, addressing the question of who might be behind the alleged effort, reported on April 25 that the Intelligence Ministry told the country's media that any amount of criticism against Ahmadinejad ahead of the June vote was permissible.

The website Baztab, which is said to be close to former IRGC commander and presidential candidate Mohsen Rezai, last week posted a report based on rumors that Ahmadinejad is in possession of an audiotape that reveals fraud in the 2009 vote.

The report said the audiotape documents a telephone conversation between Ahmadinejad and top officials in which the president is told that he actually won far fewer votes than the official results showed.

The president's office has called the report baseless, while Baztab's editor in chief later said the report had taken the government by surprise and "neutralized" its plans for the upcoming vote.

Germany-based Behnam Gholipour, chief editor of the Digarban website that monitors Iran's hard-line media, says the media battle is likely to become even more heated. He says it could result in the publication of some information that might not otherwise become public.

"Until not long ago, the atmosphere was not right for the criticism of the government because Ahmadinejad and his government had the support of the establishment, and the hands of his conservative critics were tied," Gholipour says. "But the current atmosphere allows them to criticize his performance and make public some of the realities of [his presidency]."

Like many Iranians, 31-year-old Amir is pondering what to do on June 14, when Iran chooses a new president.

He has two options -- to vote or not to vote -- and neither is good, he says.

Voting could lend legitimacy to the Iranian establishment in the international arena and help it erase the embarrassment caused by Mahmud Ahmadinejad's contentious reelection in 2009. More than 70 people were killed and chaos ensued after mass protests erupted following that election, and the international community widely criticized Tehran's response.

By not voting, however, citizens could lose a rare chance to have an impact on issues that affect their daily lives. The final list of candidates can be expected to be hand-picked by the establishment, but from that group voters could choose the one best suited to turning around the economy, for example.

Moreover, in what appears to be an effort to boost participation, the presidential vote is for the first time being held concurrently with city council elections. Local polls usually generate considerable enthusiasm in smaller cities and villages, and by sitting out voters would miss an opportunity to weigh in on matters close to home.

Duty Calls?

The authorities and potential candidates have highlighted the vote's significance by calling for a turnout that would deal a blow to the country’s enemies, in the words of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

High voter participation would be taken by the Iranian establishment as a sign of popular grassroots support, countering outside claims that Iranian's political system does not represent the will of the people.

In comments reported by Mehr News Agency on April 13, outgoing President Ahmadinejad said that "the enemies are making every effort to discourage people, but when the people enter the scene, everything will change, so we should aim for a massive turnout in the election."

Others have described voting as a national duty; and it has been noted that even amid recent tension, some foreign officials have acknowledged the importance of respecting Iran because it has an elected government in power.

This year’s vote comes as harsh economic sanctions imposed on Iran by the West have taken their toll. The sanctions, handed down in an effort to get Iran to reverse its nuclear course, have led to high inflation and economic uncertainty among average Iranians.

For many, the economy could prove to be the decisive factor in whether they vote.

"People are very worried about the future," a Tehran-based journalist told RFE/RL on condition of anonymity. "That could lead many to vote, hoping that it could lead to some improvement on the economic front."

Carefully Choreographed

For others, the decision will come down to where they believe their vote can make a difference or, conversely, whether or not casting a ballot can send a message of voter discontent to the authorities.

Well-known national religious activist Taghi Rahmani, who left Iran about a year ago, argues that individual boycotts will have little effect on the establishment when it comes to the June election.

"Not voting is not something that will upset the Islamic establishment," Rahmani says. "These elections will be held simultaneously with city council elections in which the motivation for participation is very high because of family, ethnic, and tribal ties. Historically, 40 to 50 percent of Iranians have taken part in the elections. Therefore the regime doesn’t face a real vote problem. Forty to 50 percent will vote, [the regime] will add to that 10 percent and make it 60 [percent turnout]."

Supreme Leader Khamenei has ample means to shape the final candidates list. The Central Election Board, which will oversee the June 14 vote, is seen to be close to Khamenei. And half the members of the Guardians Council, which vets all candidates, are hand-chosen by the supreme leader.

Rahmani predicts that Khamenei will seek to have several weak reformist candidates among the final candidates in order to give the appearance of a free and credible vote.

Opposition Dilemma, Too

This offers the opposition, which has been pushed from the political scene since the 2009 election, a window of opportunity to be a factor in the 2013 contest.

Rahmani suggests that opposition supporters could throw their collective weight behind a "strong reformist candidate." He names former President Mohammad Khatami as an example of the type of candidate who could mobilize the electorate.

Khatami has not announced his intention to enter his nomination when the registration of potential candidates takes place from May 7 to May 11, but pro-reformists are calling for him to do so. Whether the supreme leader would regard him as too strong a contender is another question.

Businessman Reza says he would definitely support Khatami if he entered the race.

But in the event the former president does not run, Reza says, "then reformists should again nominate [Mir Hossein] Musavi to raise the pressure on Khamenei.

Musavi and Mehdi Karrubi, both of whom ran against Ahmadinejad in the 2009 election, are currently under house arrest and their opposition Green Movement has largely been silenced.

'Right' Choice

Ardeshir Amir Arjomand, a top Musavi adviser and the spokeman for the Green Movement coordinating council, says voting makes sense only if the conditions for free and fair elections are guaranteed.

"We hope that the establishment will change its ways and create the requirements for a free and fair vote," Arjomand says. "It is the right of all Iranian people. They are being deprived of this right. If the elections are not healthy then people will not have a reason to vote. We don't need to tell them. They will be aware."

Among those boycotting the vote is Iranian Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Shirin Ebadi, who tells RFE/RL she wants to bring the world's attention to Iran's flawed electoral process.

"Elections are useful if they are free and people can vote for whoever they choose to," Ebadi says. "This is a personal decision and I don't have any advice for anyone to vote or not to vote."

Tehran-based Ali supported the opposition in 2009 and has lost all illusions that his vote matters.

"I knew that elections in Iran were not completely free, but I didn’t expect them to kill people who challenged the election result," Ali says. He adds that he refuses to participate in an election organized by an establishment "with blood on its hands."

The success of previous boycotts supported by the opposition is debatable.

Some believe that an election boycott in 2005 helped swing the vote in favor of Ahmadinejad. Ultimately, however, Ahmadinejad's surprise victory led to the reversal of some of the modest reforms implemented by his predecessor Khatami.

Despite calls by reformists and the opposition movement to boycott the 2012 parliamentary elections, officials announced a relatively high turnout and claimed wide support, although official figures cannot be independently verified.

The Basij force of Iran's Revolutionary Guard has said in a statement posted by Iranian news outlets that several of its websites have come under cyberattack.

The statement, which was issued on May 1, appears to mark the first time that the powerful Basij force has publicly acknowledged facing such an assault

The Basij claims that the attacks by elements of "the global arrogance" (a term used by Iranian officials to refer to the United States) originated in Poland. 

The paramilitary force, which has itself been reportedly behind cyberassaults against opposition websites, alleged that the attacks are connected with Iran’s upcoming presidential elections on June 14.

“Due to the impending vote, elements of the global arrogance have launched a new round of cyberattacks against Basij websites, particularly Basij.ir,” it said.

The Basij force claims it is working to confront and neutralize the attacks.

Basij’s main website, Basij.ir, which was down earlier on May 1, is now accessible.

The "Tabnak" news outlet quotes Esmail Ahmadi, the head of Basij.ir, as saying that his site has faced many attacks in the past three years.

He added that "the enemy" would increase its assaults on the Basij website on special occasions.

Ahmadi did not explain why the alleged attacks have only been made public now.

“We didn’t see a need to publicize this issue,” was all he said on the matter.

As an acting commander of the Basij force, Ali Fazli was quoted in 2011 as saying that hackers working for the paramilitary group had conducted attacks against "enemy" websites.

"As there are cyberattacks against us, the Basij's cyberarmy, which includes university instructors and students as well as clerics, is attacking websites of the enemy," Fazli said, according to a quote in the "Iran" daily.

"Without resorting to the power of the Basij, we would not have been able to monitor and confront our enemies," he added.

In the aftermath of the disputed 2009 reelection of Iranian President Mahmud Ahmadinejad, a number of opposition and government websites were attacked by hackers from both sides.

Attempts were reportedly also made to bring down the website of Iran’s Supreme leader Ayatollah Khamenei.

-- Golnaz Esfandiari

Well-known Iranian human rights activist Kouhyar Goudarzi -- who had been banned from his studies, jailed a number of times, and sentenced to five years in prison -- recently fled Iran.

Goudarzi, a member and former head of the Committee of Human Rights Reporters, was honored while behind bars with the National Press Club’s 2010 John Aubuchon Freedom of the Press Award. The award is given each year to individuals who have contributed to the cause of press freedom and open government. Goudarzi was also among those arrested in the aftermath of Iran’s 2009 postelection crackdown.

As Goudarzi tells RFE/RL correspondent Golnaz Esfandiari in an exclusive interview from Turkey, all of these pressures contributed to his decision to finally leave his homeland.

RFE/RL: Why did you decide to leave Iran?

Kouhyar Goudarzi: I faced many problems and limitations. I was jailed, my friends and family were pressured because of me, I was banned from studying at Sharif University.

In addition, I had two more reasons why I decided to leave. I needed to be able to work in an academic environment, and it was difficult for me to see that I was caught in the monotony that we are all facing in Iran.

RFE/RL: How did you leave the country?

Goudarzi: I left the country with the help of human smugglers. It took me about eight days to reach Turkey from northwestern Iran. It was a very difficult time.

RFE/RL: To what extent do you think the Iranian government has been successful in its campaign to silence dissenting voices? A number of activists remain in prison, some have been released on high bails, and others such as yourself have been forced to leave the country.

Goudarzi: To some extent, I think that’s true. But [the establishment] has not managed to silence all voices because being affected by certain conditions doesn’t necessarily mean defeat. In some period of time you might see ups and downs, but what is important is the continuation of a process and that it moves toward improvement.

But one must acknowledge that, for a number of reasons, civil society is in a state of desperation and that the establishment has managed to instill fear and silence dissent through measures it has taken...by inducing into the public consciousness that dissent and civil disobedience have a heavy price.

RFE/RL: You paid a high price for your activities. You were expelled from university, you faced prison and beatings, and, as you mentioned earlier, your family also faced pressure -- namely your mother, who was sent to prison for several months.

Goudarzi: Yes, my mother was arrested last year to increase pressure on me. Also because [the authorities] wanted to increase the price of informing [the public ] about the plight of political prisoners.

When I was in prison previously my mother gave many interviews about the conditions I faced and my hunger strike. She had, in a way, become a model for the families of other political prisoners on how to inform others about their [loved ones] and not allow their rights to be violated.

My mother was jailed for eight months in Kerman [in southeastern Iran] and before that in the Information Ministry's detention center. A court sentenced her to 23 months in prison for the interviews she gave, which were described as propaganda against the state, and also for insulting Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei in her [diary]. They had taken her private [diary], read it, and based on that charged her with insulting the supreme leader.

RFE/RL: Where is your mother now? Is she still in Iran?

Goudarzi: My mother is in Kerman. Her prison sentence was changed to a financial penalty by the appeals court and she was released.

RFE/RL: I’d like to ask you a question about the international sanctions against Iran. You were in Iran until very recently and you experienced the impact of the sanctions and of inflation on daily life. To what extent are people blaming the government for the difficult situation they’re facing and to what extent are they blaming the United States and other countries that have imposed crippling sanctions against Iran over its sensitive nuclear work?

Goudarzi: The effects of the sanctions are, indeed, visible in the daily life of Iranians. You see how the quality of life of Iranian families is worsening sharply. Families are forced to give up some of their basic needs to secure some of the other more important needs they have. The conditions are getting worse day by day because of inflation. It’s getting increasingly difficult for people to pay for food, housing, transportation, and health services.

I haven’t heard people talking about foreign pressure in relation to the current situation. Most people complain about the inability of the government to control prices. Some believe the source of the problem is the nuclear issue. What I find interesting is that with the increase of the economic pressure, people are becoming more focused on finding ways to make a living, instead of becoming more interested and concerned about politics and expressing discontent.

Parvin Fahimi, the mother of Sohrab Arabi, a young man killed in the 2009 crackdown that followed the disputed reelection of Iranian President Mahmud Ahmadinejad, has called on Iran's former president Mohammad Khatami to stand in this year's presidential election on June 14. 

Fahimi made her call in an open letter posted on the opposition "Kalame" website.

"Mr. Khatami, we lost our children on the path to reach independence, freedom and an honorable life," she wrote. "Their blood was innocently spilled on the asphalt of the streets. They wanted change and reforms to reach their goal. You have to feel responsible once more, and enter the scene, and do not allow the blood of these young people and the martyrs of the [Iran-Iraq] war to be plundered."

She added that Khatami should not turn the hopes of many into disappointment.

Fahimi has earned the respect of many with her outspokenness and her courage, becoming one of the heroes of Iran's opposition Green Movement, which has effectively been silenced by the authorities who have put its leaders under house arrest and pressured supporters through threats, arrests and imprisonment.

Her letter adds weight to mounting calls for Khatami to run in the upcoming vote.

Khatami has been publicly silent in the face of the increasing demands for him to stand in the presidential election, the first since the 2009 vote, which precipitated one of Iran's worst political crises.

(To read a profile of Parvin Fahimi click here)

--Golnaz Esfandiari

WASHINGTON -- Until not long ago the Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization (MKO) was on the list of the U.S. State Department's terrorist organizations. On April 11, that seemed like a distant memory as the group celebrated the opening of its Washington office just a block away from the White House, with tea and Iranian snacks.

The opening of the office of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), an umbrella group dominated by the MKO (aka the People's Mujahedin of Iran), was attended by several former U.S. officials, NCRI members, and their legal team, who described it as a "great day" for the Iranian people, for democracy in Iran, and for the values the United States cherishes.

The group's U.S. representative, Soona Samsami, a petite woman wearing a blue head scarf and a blue suit, referred to the NCRI as "Iran's main opposition movement" and said that the opening of the office came at a crucial moment in Iran's history.

Samsami added that now that the State Department has delisted the group -- which it branded a foreign terrorist organization in 1997 and banned from operating in the United States in 2003 -- the principle obstacle to change in the Islamic republic had been removed. She said that the U.S. policy of engagement with Tehran had failed and it's time to direct all efforts toward democratic change in Iran.

Without offering specifics, she said the NCRI was determined "to maximize" its efforts toward that objective.

Speaking To Iranians?

The opening of a Washington office is likely to upset Iranian officials, who blasted the delisting of the MKO, which they consider a terrorist organization.

Alireza Nader, an Iran analyst at the Rand Corporation, says the opening of the NCRI office will certainly not improve U.S.-Iran ties. But its effect should not be exaggerated. "The [government of the] Islamic republic, like many Iranians, may have distaste for the MKO, but it also realizes that the group's capabilities are limited," he says.

U.S. officials have said that they don't consider the MKO a viable Iranian opposition group or believe it can promote democratic values in Iran.

The group, which many Iranians dislike because it sided with Iraqi ruler Saddam Hussein during the Iran-Iraq War, is widely seen in the country as a cult with reportedly rigid rules for its members. 

Yet at the April 11 reception, speakers were full of praise, describing the MKO as an organization that reflects the views of the Iranian people and is capable of bringing democratic change to the country.

Among those speaking was President Barack Obama's former national security adviser, U.S. General James Jones. He said the opening of the office was an "important moment" and "a step in the right direction."

Former U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations John Bolton, former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Public Affairs P.J. Crowley, former U.S. Representative Patrick Kennedy, and the former deputy director of the CIA's National Clandestine Service, John Sano, were also in attendance.

In the past, former U.S. officials have reportedly been paid large sums of money to speak at the MKO's public events and lobby the State Department on its behalf.

Crowley told RFE/RL he hadn't been paid to attend the event and make brief remarks. "I support the cause of democratic change in Iran," he said.

He also said Washington would do well to listen to the MKO. "The NCRI has demonstrated itself over a number of years to be an organized outside opposition, interested in a different kind of Iran. They are one voice. I think the United States would be well to listen to that voice and see how it influences U.S. thinking and U.S. policy," he said.



Mehrzad Boroujerdi, a professor of political science at Syracuse University, says the opening of the D.C. office is a victory for the MKO that will allow the group to expand its lobbying efforts. "Given the importance of Washington, D.C., the MKO will be able to do more lobbying and work with neocons to push more sanctions on Iran," Boroujerdi says.

But he says the efforts are unlikely to change U.S. policies toward Iran, because the Obama administration has "made it clear that they're not like-minded with the MKO."

On this occasion, however, supporters had nothing but high hopes. As one told RFE/RL, "One day we're going to celebrate the opening of the same office in Tehran."

Opponents of Iranian President Mahmud Ahmadinejad are reportedly considering action to stop a large gathering the government plans to hold on April 18*.

Ahmadinejad’s critics -- who accuse him of attempting a power grab akin to what Russian President Vladimir Putin did when he stepped down to become prime minister for one term before retaking the presidency -- believe the meeting will be used by the Iranian president and his close circle to influence the June 14 presidential vote.

The dispute is just the latest episode in an ongoing power struggle between Ahmadinejad and hard-liners aligned with Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, whom he has repeatedly challenged.

The Iranian president’s second term ends in four months and the country’s constitution prevents him from running for a third term.

Some critics have referred to the gathering at Tehran’s Azadi Stadium, which has a capacity of 100,000, as an election meeting. They say Ahmadinejad will use the occasion to unofficially announce the man he has groomed to succeed him, believed to be close aide Esfandiari Rahim Mashaei.

A presidential deputy was quoted last week as saying that the gathering is simply aimed at thanking the committee that facilitates travel inside Iran, an event that has been held before in other cities.

Ahmadinejad’s opponents are not convinced, however, and some appear to be moving to either cancel or control the event.

Earlier this week, the judiciary’s parliamentary adviser, Hojatoleslam Mohammad Banayi, said the judiciary is looking into the gathering.

He said if any election-related behavior takes place, the judiciary’s “prevention body” will take action.  

The “Arman” daily reported on April 8 that senior lawmaker Mohammad Reza Pourebrahimi has asked Iran’s Supreme National Security Council to cancel the gathering. The daily added that the parliament’s National Security Committee is planning to look into the reasons behind the gathering and its possible dimensions. That, “Arman” reports, could result in its cancellation.

But the daily also asks whether it’s not too late for such a move, writing: “Will the government allow such an important and vital meeting, on which it has certainly spent a lot of money, to be so easily canceled?”

-- Golnaz Esfandiari

*CORRECTION: Despite initial reports, the date of the planned rally is April 18, according to Iranian media.