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Iraq: U.S. Expert Discusses Prospects For Stabilization

Kenneth Katzman being interviewed at RFE/RL's Prague broadcasting center (RFE/RL) PRAGUE, December 3, 2006 (RFE/RL) -- Kenneth Katzman, a noted specialist on Middle East affairs at the Congressional Research Service, spoke recently with RFE/RL about events in the region. The discussion focused on promoting stability in Iraq and on U.S. relations with Iran.


RFE/RL: Who is supporting the insurgency in Iraq?


Kenneth Katzman: There was a report [in "The New York Times"] that the Iraqi insurgents -- particularly the Sunni insurgents -- have many sources of funding -- oil smuggling, corruption, and various sources. I think some money comes from outside, from the Sunni-Arab states, from private donors. And so they have an ample supply of funds to continue their fight against the Iraqi government.


RFE/RL: And how about the Shi'ite factions?


Katzman: Well, the Shi'a are 60 percent of the country, and they control the security forces. The U.S. has built security forces which are mostly Shi'a. So, actually, the U.S. government has directly given the Shi'a much power and arms. And some of these forces are using these for sectarian violence.



THE COMPLETE STORY: RFE/RL's complete coverage of events in Iraq and that country's ongoing transition.


RFE/RL: There is a lot of talk that there are armed groups within the security forces that are pursuing sectarian violence, but do we have solid evidence of that?


Katzman: I think the U.S. military has sometimes arrested red-handed some of these forces; they found some detention centers that were under the Interior Ministry but were being operated by Badr Brigades [the armed wing of the Shi'ite-led Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI)].


Yes, they have found evidence, absolutely. And many of these sectarian groups are using official police uniforms and guns that were issued officially. So, yes, I think they have evidence of this.


RFE/RL: What can be done to prevent this practice from spreading in Iraq? Do you think anything can be done externally, meaning the U.S., the coalition, can do anything? Or does the government have to tackle this problem?


Katzman: Theoretically, the U.S. could do more. The U.S. has been [engaging in] combat against the Sunni insurgents. It is also possible that the U.S. could perform combat against the Shi'ite militias. [Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri] al-Maliki has prevented it. This is the problem. The government is preventing us from cracking down on the Shi'ite militias. So, it is a one-sided battle. It is the U.S. against the Sunnis, but not against the Shi'ite militias. This is why Iraq is so unbalanced and chaotic right now.


RFE/RL: Many Iraqis refer to a group that they call "former Ba'athists" -- by which they mean the instigators of violence. How would you refer to that group?


Katzman: It is mostly Shi'a who say that. They use that term. Everybody who is fighting is a former Ba'athist. Well, it is not only former Ba'athists. It is average Sunnis who feel humiliated by what has happened -- that the U.S. came in, removed [former Iraqi President] Saddam [Hussein] and had this election where the Shi'a won all the power. It is not just ex-Ba'athists. It is all Sunnis who feel humiliated and disenfranchised.


THE COMPLETE PICTURE: RFE/RL's complete coverage of controversy surrounding Iran's nuclear program.

RFE/RL: [Radical Shi'ite cleric] Muqtada al-Sadr says that foreign troops should leave the country. Do you think that this position puts him close to former Ba'athists and, in general, Sunni insurgents?


Katzman: Al-Sadr is interesting because, yes, some of his positions are very similar to some things that the Sunnis say -- that the foreign troops should be out. Yet his Al-Mahdi Army has been very much hard-line on retaliating against Sunnis who commit violence against Shi'a. So he's a little hard to figure out.


RFE/RL: As a political figure, could he be a sort of center of gravity if the coalition leaves?


Katzman: It is very possible. He could be a kingmaker. He could be a determining faction leader. Absolutely. That's possible. He has got a lot of support and he is someone that I'm watching as potentially very pivotal if and when the U.S. leaves.


RFE/RL: Since you seem to think that a split among Shi'ite groups is possible, can you foresee any scenario involving armed struggle among those factions?


Katzman: There has already been armed struggle and I think if the U.S. leaves there will be an armed struggle between the Badr forces and the Al-Mahdi Army. Yes.


RFE/RL: Do you think it will be an all-out struggle?


Katzman: It is certainly possible, but the Al-Mahdi Army seems to be more numerous right now, so I think maybe the Badr has suffered a little bit. They've been more part of the government and the Al-Mahdi forces would have, probably, the advantage.


RFE/RL: Lately everyone has been talking about the Iran-Iraq summit in Tehran. What is your view about Iran's position on Iran?


Katzman: I don't think the Iranians are in a position to deliver any positive result to the U.S. government, even if they wanted to.


RFE/RL: What is the Iranian interest in Iraq really?


SCIRI leader Abd al-Aziz al-Hakim (left) meeting with Jordan's King Abdullah in Amman on November 29 (epa)

Katzman: The Iranian interest is to ensure the dominance of their Shi'ite protege groups. That is Iran's main goal -- to have strategic depth in Iraq. Which means to have governance by Shi'ite Islamists who are tied to Iran.


RFE/RL: And what would they gain from that?


Katzman: They gain strategic depth. They gain the ability to operate in Iraq, much like Pakistan had some depth with the Taliban government in Afghanistan. They have friendly territory and a friendly government that they can influence.


RFE/RL: In other words, in their own way, they are looking for a partner to have peaceful relations with?


Katzman: Yes.


RFE/RL: If that happens, do you think it might be a way out of international isolation for Iran?


Katzman: No. I think that if they were to try to dominate Iraq, they would isolate themselves further because the international community wants to see a sovereign government, an integrated government, a unity [government] in Iraq, not one controlled by Iran.


RFE/RL: Do you envision any possibility of a war between the West and Iran?


Katzman: Anything is possible. Iran is not in compliance with its obligations right now to the United Nations. But I don't think war is necessarily the main option that is being pursued now. It's diplomacy and the Bush administration seems to be committed to playing out diplomacy and seeing if it succeeds.


RFE/RL: How has the Democratic victory in the recent U.S. legislative elections affected U.S. policy toward Iran, given that for the next two years George W. Bush will still be president?


Katzman: I'm not certain that it will affect it that much. There seems to be a bipartisan consensus that Iran needs to be contained, at the very least, and that Iran's nuclear program is a threat and that the package of U.S. sanctions needs to be kept in place. There seems to be a consensus, but even in both parties there are people who think that some engagement with Iran might be beneficial.


RFE/RL: What are the hallmarks of any possible bipartisan proposal for a new policy toward Iran, given that historically and traditionally Democrats have favored a pro-Israeli stand?


Katzman: Iran is perceived as a threat to Israel. [Iranian] President [Mahmud] Ahmadinejad has made some very, very rash statements against Israel. But it is not really Israel that is driving the consensus. It is the consensus that Iran is a threat to American security and, increasingly, a threat to U.S. interests in Iraq, and to a lesser extent in Afghanistan. And Lebanon. And it is motivating Shi'ite movements in the Persian Gulf. So it's broader than just Israel.


RFE/RL: Some observers have said that, despite his rhetoric, President Ahmadinejad has made more attempts than any other Iranian president in the past 27 years to begin a dialogue with the United States. They mention such things as the fact that he has made one trip a year to the United States during his less than two years as president, his meeting with the U.S. Council on Foreign Relations, writing an open letter to President Bush, and, finally, inviting President Bush to an uncensored debate. Given the radical social base that President Ahmadinejad appeals to and his roots in the Revolutionary Guards, do you think he is reaching out for a dialogue?


Katzman: I would add to that that he has also suggested that there be direct flights between Iran and the United States. But, yes, he seems to at least not fear dialogue. He feels he has a point of view that can at least resonate. But dialogue really isn't the issue.


Iraqi President Jalal Talabani (left) with Iranian President Mahmud Ahmadinejad in Tehran on November 27 (Fars)

The issue is what concrete steps Iran is prepared to take and I'm afraid that unfortunately the pursuit of a nuclear capability is introducing new instability in the Persian Gulf. I'm not convinced that dialogue with the United States would dissuade Iran from pursuing that capability.


RFE/RL: Some have suggested that in order to stabilize Iraq, it would be a good idea to get Iran involved. On the one hand, you have this issue of ending uranium enrichment as a condition for any dialogue with Iran and, on the other hand, you have Iran trying to avoid that and trying to continue enrichment. How can the U.S. move toward a policy of engagement?


Katzman: Well, the U.S. actually has offered direct talks, as you said, with conditions. I think what the U.S. is trying to say is that there is a [UN] Security Council demand. Iran has not met the demand that it suspend enrichment and I think the U.S. position is that once Iran is in compliance with this demand, there could be potentially fruitful talks on a broader package to make sure Iran's program stays purely peaceful. I think there's a sense that going outside into direct bilateral talks when Iran has not met these demands, that Iran will take advantage, will use it's leverage that way and not ever meet the demand of the United Nations.


RFE/RL: So perhaps there will be no talks because Iran is not willing to give up enrichment?


Katzman: There're two talks -- one is broader talks on the nuclear and strategic issues. The other is more narrow talks on Iraq. And that was offered in the early part of the year and there was some movement toward that, but then Ahmadinejad didn't pursue it and now it's becoming a live issue again. But on Iraq, too, Iran does not seem willing to offer any useful developments that would help the U.S. position in Iraq. So I'm not sure what those talks would yield either.


RFE/RL: That was going to be my next question. Even if Iran is asked to help stabilize Iraq, given the fact that it has limited influence on Shi'ite groups and none on Kurds or Sunnis, what could it do for this purpose?


Katzman: That's precisely right. I don't see anything Iran... Iran has some influence with the Shi'ite groups, but it does not control these groups. Iraq's problems are an internal matter and I'm not convinced that either Iran or Syria -- even if they wanted to be completely cooperative -- would be able to stabilize the situation in Iraq for the United States.


RFE/RL: What about the issues that Iran is sensitive to? The issue of a U.S. military attack -- that seems to be off the table now -- but also, the sanctions plus U.S. help for some groups that are trying to destabilize the Islamic Republic of Iran. Is there a new U.S. stand on these issues?


Katzman: No, there really is not. There is no program to assist non-Persian minorities in Iran or to try to destabilize the government. There's been discussion of a regime-change policy in the United States, but really the policy is not regime change. It is containment and preventing nuclear breakthrough by Iran. And so there is no assistance to any minority groups in Iran. There is no effort to use these groups to destabilize Iran.


RFE/RL: You said that Iran has limited influence on Shi'ite groups in Iraq. But, on the other hand, there are two assessments of the kind of role Iran can play there. First, there is a destructive role -- some say that Iran is interested in a weaker Iraq. The other thinks there is a possibility of some positive role there. Why do you think Iranian influence is limited?


Katzman: I think it is limited because the Shi'ite groups have their own constituencies and their own sources of arms and their own money. They don't need Tehran. It is not like Hizballah, which was a small faction that used Iranian help to grow and grow. These factions in Iraq are very large. They have won many seats in the parliament -- 120 seats or so. They have much influence in the parliament, so they don't necessarily need to be influenced by Iran. They have their own motives.


RFE/RL: How different are their motives from Iran's?


Katzman: Some are very different. The Supreme Council faction [SCIRI], for example, has a plan to have a Shi'ite region in the south, and I think Iran is attracted to that idea. But Muqtada al-Sadr's faction actually opposes the formation of a separate Shi'ite region in the south.


Supporters carry a portrait of al-Sadr during a Baghdad demonstration in July (epa)

So his motives are different from Iran. He is more of an Iraqi nationalist. He has less contact with the Iranians than the faction [of SCIRI leader Abd al-Aziz al-Hakim].


RFE/RL: Some say the structure of the Al-Mahdi Army of al-Sadr and the structure of Hizballah are a lot alike. Doesn't this point toward Iran?


Katzman: It is not the structure -- it is the intent and motivations. As I said, Muqtada al-Sadr is different from Iran on key questions, particularly the Shi'ite region in the south. He has visited Iran a few times, but he has a big constituency in Iraq. He doesn't need to be assisted by Iran.


RFE/RL: If you were in the Iraq Study Group [a bipartisan U.S. group that is tasked with making reccomendations on U.S. policy in Iraq] at the moment, where would your focus be primarily?


Katzman: My view is that the entire political structure of Iraq needs to be reworked. The issue is that the Sunnis feel humiliated, outcast, like second-class citizens. There needs to be more balance between the Sunni and the Shi'a in the Iraqi government. So, I would focus particularly on restructuring the Iraqi government.


RFE/RL: Restructuring? In what way?


Katzman: Well, there could be a number of ways. There could be a new cabinet. There could be autonomous regions -- Sunni, Shi'ite, Kurdish regions. There could be a whole new government structure, a new prime minister, a new president, a new cabinet.


RFE/RL: Some say that if the U.S. tried to do that, it would have to admit that it's democratic experiment in Iraq failed.


Katzman: Yes, I recognize that that is an implication of doing that. But the alternative is to say that the elections of 2005 were the correct way to work and to keep pursuing and we can continue to see the kind of chaos in Iraq that we continue to see. What I'm suggesting is, perhaps, a solution to Iraq, which may mean some distance from the original U.S. statements on democracy in Iraq.


RFE/RL: So, your assessment is that this spin of sectarian violence that we see at the moment actually started in 2005 with this new government in place?


Katzman: It started long before 2005, but the elections solidified the position of the Sunnis as the underclass in Iraq and that has given a lot of impetus to, and accelerated, their sectarian motivations.


RFE/RL: And in terms of Shi'ite sectarian motivations?


Katzman: The Shi'a felt that the elections legitimized their control over Iraq and emboldened them. And they have control of the security forces and many of these security forces are committing sectarian atrocities now.


RFE/RL: Do you think it is reasonable to keep insisting on a unified Iraqi state, rather than a federal system or even a split?


Katzman: I think there could be movement toward three autonomous regions -- Sunni, Shi'ite, and Kurdish. And that might be a solution because then the Sunnis wouldn't feel that they are occupied or controlled by the Shi'a.


RFE/RL: If you were to choose between the three options of "go big," "go along," or "go home," what would you do?


Katzman: I'm not sure those are the only three options. And, as I said, those options don't focus on the political structure. I'm a political scientist and U.S. troop levels are secondary to the idea of getting the political structure of Iraq correct.

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U.S. Undersecretary of State Karen Hughes being interviewed by RFE/RL in Prague on June 11 (RFE/RL)



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Iran Fears Loss Of Clout In The Caucasus

The Iranian and Azerbaijani flags fly on opposite ends of the Khodafarin Bridge on the border of the two countries.
The Iranian and Azerbaijani flags fly on opposite ends of the Khodafarin Bridge on the border of the two countries.

An emboldened Azerbaijan, backed by Turkey, has changed the balance of power in the South Caucasus in recent years.

Baku reclaimed full control over Nagorno-Karabakh, a breakaway region that for three decades had been under ethnic-Armenian control, last year.

A weakened Armenia, meanwhile, has distanced itself from its traditional ally, Russia, and looked to move closer to the West.

The geopolitical changes in the region have raised concerns in Iran, which neighbors Armenia and Azerbaijan. Tehran fears it could lose its clout in a region that has long been dominated by Moscow, an ally.

The Islamic republic strongly opposes the proposed east-west Zangezur Corridor that would connect mainland Azerbaijan to its Naxcivan exclave through Armenian territory and open a long-sought trade route to Tehran's rival, Turkey, and beyond.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan (right) listens to Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi during a joint news conference following their meeting at the presidential palace in Ankara, Turkey, on January 24.
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan (right) listens to Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi during a joint news conference following their meeting at the presidential palace in Ankara, Turkey, on January 24.

Iran is also concerned Baku could forcibly seize territory in southern Armenia to create territorial continuity with Naxcivan, which would cut off Tehran from Yerevan, an ally.

Iran also opposes normalization between Armenia and Turkey, a scenario that could reduce Yerevan's dependence on Tehran and pave the way for greater Western influence in the volatile region.

"The changing dynamics in the region and the decline of Russia's relative influence pose potential challenges to Iran's long-term geopolitical and security goals in the region," said Hamidreza Azizi, a fellow at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs.

Cutting Iran Out

The top diplomats of Armenia and Turkey met on March 1 in the Turkish coastal city of Antalya and reiterated their nations' intention to fully normalize relations.

That meeting was viewed with apprehension by some pundits inside Iran who suggested such a move would cut Tehran out of the region.

"If Ankara's efforts to normalize relations with Yerevan are successful, leading to the establishment of the Zangezur Corridor, it could indeed marginalize Iran geopolitically," Azizi said.

The 45-kilometer-long proposed corridor, Azizi said, would "not only enhance Turkish and Azerbaijani influence by providing a direct link between the two but also bypass Iran, diminishing its role as a potential regional transit hub."

Eldar Mamedov, a Brussels-based expert on the South Caucasus, said the corridor would effectively leave Iran "excessively dependent on the goodwill of Ankara and Baku for the security of its northern borders and also for accessing transit routes [to Russia]."

Azerbaijan's increasingly cozy relations with Iran's archfoe, Israel, have fueled tensions with Tehran.

Iran is also wary that Baku's growing influence in the region could fuel "irredentist tendencies" among Iran's large ethnic Azeri population, separated from Azerbaijan by the Aras River and located primarily in Iran's East and West Azerbaijan provinces, Mamedov said.

For Armenia and Turkey to normalize relations, Yerevan and Baku first need to sign a peace agreement, according to Benyamin Poghosyan, a senior research fellow at the Applied Policy Research Institute of Armenia.

Poghosyan said Azerbaijan would only sign the deal if Armenia conceded to all of Baku's demands, including the establishment of the Zangezur Corridor.

"But I don't believe Armenia will agree to provide Azerbaijan [with an] extraterritorial corridor," he said.

Poghosyan added that Azerbaijan is unlikely to forcibly seize Armenian territory to establish the corridor given the presence of a "hard-power deterrent" like Iran.

Wary of The West?

In February, Armenia suspended its membership in the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO).

The government of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian has long criticized the CSTO for its "failure to respond to the security challenges" facing Armenia.

In 2020, Baku recaptured parts of Nagorno-Karabakh, a mainly ethnic-Armenian-populated region inside Azerbaijan, following a six-week war that ended with a Russian-brokered cease-fire.

Armenian defense officials met with their Iranian counterparts in Tehran on March 6.
Armenian defense officials met with their Iranian counterparts in Tehran on March 6.

In September 2023, Azerbaijan retook the rest of the territory after a lightning offensive that resulted in the full capitulation of the de facto Karabakh government.

Armenian authorities have accused Russian peacekeepers deployed to Nagorno-Karabakh after the 2020 war of failing to stop Azerbaijan's offensive last year, a claim rejected by Moscow.

Armenia on March 6 said it had requested Moscow to remove Russian border troops from the international airport in Yerevan, the latest sign of souring relations.

The moves have fueled concerns in Iran that Armenia could turn to the West to guarantee its security.

In an apparent warning, Iranian Defense Minister Amir Ashtiani on March 6 told his Armenian counterpart in Tehran that "looking for security outside the region will have the opposite effect."

"We believe that the security architecture of the region should be designed in the region; therefore, any approach by countries in the region against this policy would be in no way acceptable," Ashtiani warned Suren Papikyan.

Poghosyan said Armenia seeks to "diversify its foreign and security policy" but that it was too soon to tell whether it wants to completely pivot to the West or just strengthen relations with Western powers without abandoning Russia.

He added that Iran has made it clear to Armenia that it "would not tolerate geopolitical changes in the South Caucasus, which means not only changes [to] borders, but also changes [to the] balance of power in the region."

For all their differences, Iranian and Western interests converge on their support for Armenian sovereignty.

As such, Mamedov argued, Iran's opposition to a Western presence "may not be as rigid as it appears to be in the official rhetoric."

But it is unclear if that will lead to any collaboration.

"The overarching anti-Western stance in Iranian foreign policy and Tehran's presumed desire not to upset Moscow in the South Caucasus make such cooperation very unlikely," Azizi said.

Iranians Visit Slain Protesters' Graves As New Year Approaches

A traditional Haft-Sin table in Iran pays remembrance to those who died during the Women, Life, Freedom protests.
A traditional Haft-Sin table in Iran pays remembrance to those who died during the Women, Life, Freedom protests.

Iranian families have visited the graves of relatives who lost their lives in protests despite a heavy police presence and heightened tensions over government restrictions on freedoms.

In the western Iranian city of Sanandaj, despite a heavy security presence, many families of those who died in the Women, Life, Freedom protests made their way to the graves of their loved ones as the Persian New Year, which in 2024 coincides with the onset of spring on March 20, approaches.

Pictures and video on social media showed visitors at the resting places of notable figures, including Mahsa Mogouei, a taekwondo champion from Isfahan who was killed in 2022; Aylar Haqi, a doctor from Tabriz; Mohsen Mousavi from Tehran's bazaar area; and Abolfazl Mahdipour, among others.

In one expression of grief and remembrance, the family of Sina Naderi from Kermanshah could be seen arranging a traditional Norouz Haft-Sin table on his grave, blending the celebration of the new year with the mourning of their loss.

Kamellia Sajadian, grieving for her son Mohammad Hasan Turkman and in honor of Seyyed Mohammad Hosseini, who was executed during the protests, took to Instagram to urge Iranians to remember all of those "waiting for their kind-hearted and those imprisoned, whose hearts remain with their children buried in the soil."

Many Iranians took to the streets in 2022 to protest against declining living standards and a lack of freedoms. The unrest grew after the death of Mahsa Amini in September of that year. The 22-year-old died under mysterious circumstances while she was in police custody for an alleged head-scarf violation.

The clampdown resulted in the deaths of approximately 600 demonstrators, as reported by human rights groups, and thousands of arrests. The Iranian judiciary has also executed several protesters, further inflaming public outcry against the regime's harsh tactics.

The government has been accused of stepping up the pressure on the victims' families through collective arrests and the summoning of grieving families by security agencies with the aim of keeping them from commemorating the lives of their loved ones, which the government fears will trigger further unrest.

Written by Ardeshir Tayebi based on an original story in Persian by RFE/RL's Radio Farda

Baku Said To Be Preparing To Reopen Tehran Embassy After Attack

The Azerbaijani Embassy was the scene of an armed assault in January 2023 that resulted in the death of one embassy employee and left two others injured. 
The Azerbaijani Embassy was the scene of an armed assault in January 2023 that resulted in the death of one embassy employee and left two others injured. 

The Azerbaijani Embassy in Tehran is preparing to resume operations, according to Iran's ambassador to Baku, signaling a potential thaw in relations between the two countries.

In a statement to Baku TV, Iranian Ambassador Abbas Musavi said preparations for the reopening are under way, with an Azerbaijani delegation already having made the journey to Tehran. He did not give a specific date for the reopening.

The announcement comes a year after the Azerbaijani Embassy was the scene of an armed assault in January 2023 that resulted in the death of one embassy employee and left two others injured.

The attack, which Baku has called an "act of terrorism," led to a significant downturn in diplomatic relations, prompting Azerbaijan to remove its embassy staff from Tehran. Azerbaijan left open its consulate in Tabriz.

Musavi addressed the incident, saying that investigations by both nations concluded the attack was an isolated act driven by personal motives. The assailant, identified as Yasin Husseinzadeh, has been apprehended and tried. Details of the sentence were not released, but in Iran murder is punishable by a maximum penalty of death.

The trial of Husseinzadeh, marking a year since the attack, has been a focal point in discussions between the two countries, with Iran's Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian confirming on March 16 that a delegation from Azerbaijan would soon visit Tehran to facilitate the embassy's reopening.

Baku had said that the identification and prosecution of anyone involved in the attack were prerequisites for the normalization of relations and the reopening of its embassy in Tehran.

Relations between Iran and Azerbaijan also have been complicated by Azerbaijan's ties with Israel and Iran's support for Shiite groups in Azerbaijan. Such disputes have led to mutual accusations and arrests over alleged espionage and efforts to establish a theocratic state in Azerbaijan.

Azerbaijan has also accused Iran of backing Armenia in a long-standing conflict over the Nagorno-Karabakh region.

Iran also has long accused Azerbaijan of fueling separatist sentiments among its sizeable ethnic Azeri minority.

Written by Ardeshir Tayebi based on an original story in Persian by RFE/RL's Radio Farda

Persia From Above, A Century Ago

In the winter of 1924, inhabitants of a small village near Tehran looked up as a metal-bodied airplane swooped in to land, bumped along a field, then collapsed in a cloud of dust after its landing gear broke.

Women in burqas watch as Walter Mittelholzer’s plane is repaired outside a settlement 40 kilometers from Tehran in December 1924.
Women in burqas watch as Walter Mittelholzer’s plane is repaired outside a settlement 40 kilometers from Tehran in December 1924.

The pilot of the plane was Swiss aviator Walter Mittelholzer, who had received an invitation from the Persian government to deliver a new Junkers aircraft to the country, which would be renamed Iran in 1935.

Swiss aviator and photographer Walter Mittelholzer (left) and mechanic Ernst Bissegger before their 1924 flight to Persia
Swiss aviator and photographer Walter Mittelholzer (left) and mechanic Ernst Bissegger before their 1924 flight to Persia

Kaspar Surber, a Swiss journalist who wrote a book on Mittelholzer, told RFE/RL the aviator was chosen for the flight to Persia in part to "popularize flying" through aerial images he would take there.

Mittelholzer was famous at the time for becoming the first person to extensively photograph Switzerland's mountains from an airplane.

Tehran photographed from an altitude of 400 meters with the Alborz mountain range in the background
Tehran photographed from an altitude of 400 meters with the Alborz mountain range in the background

In the 1920s, Surber says there was something of a "race" between German and British aviation companies to begin air services in Persia, making Mittelholzer's photography skills a key promotional advantage.

A Swiss newspaper wrote of the aviator, "The Swiss people know what to expect from their Mr. Mittelholzer, who can not only pilot a plane across unknown countries but also photograph and film in flight."

The Shah Abdol-Azim Shrine in northern Iran
The Shah Abdol-Azim Shrine in northern Iran

After their ignominious landing 40 kilometers outside of Tehran, Mittelholzer and mechanic Ernst Bissegger had a tense confrontation with villagers before help eventually arrived from the Persian capital and their aircraft was repaired.

Locals pull Mittelholzer’s plane into position at an airfield in Persia.
Locals pull Mittelholzer’s plane into position at an airfield in Persia.

Mittelholzer and Bissegger's flight of more than 3,000 kilometers from Switzerland to Persia included a standoff with Turkish authorities who confiscated their plane, troubles with poor-quality gasoline purchased in Baghdad, and erroneous maps that forced them into the ill-fated landing during which their plane's landing gear collapsed.

A river cuts through an unidentified Persian mountain range.
A river cuts through an unidentified Persian mountain range.

Mittelholzer’s initial impressions of the territory of Persia from above were of "areas that lie desolate and empty and wander past the observing eye for hours. Huge alluvial fans, piles of rubble, and deltas of saline rivers [that] characterize the country."

A small village in Persia
A small village in Persia

Isolated settlements occasionally came into view as the pair flew over Persian territory.

"Here and there a green patch shines," Mittelholzer wrote, "a space in the center of which features residents' mud huts rising on narrow and winding streets. Silver bands mark the irrigation channels at the edges of the gardens."

Bushehr, a town on the Persian Gulf, is seen from an altitude of 300 meters.
Bushehr, a town on the Persian Gulf, is seen from an altitude of 300 meters.

Mittelholzer seized the opportunity to photograph Persia extensively from above in photographs that are now held by the ETH Zurich library.

The port in Bushehr
The port in Bushehr

The Swiss aviator and photographer also made use of his camera on the ground to capture a country on the cusp of dramatic change under Reza Shah Pahlavi, a ruler who would become known as Persia's "modernizing strongman."

A walled village in Persia photographed from Mittelholzer’s plane
A walled village in Persia photographed from Mittelholzer’s plane

At the time of Mittelholzer's visit to Persia, the country was without major rail or road networks, and camel caravans were still in use as a means of foreign trade, making air transport an enticing possibility for the country's rulers.

Isfahan, in the center of today's Iran, as seen in 1924
Isfahan, in the center of today's Iran, as seen in 1924

With the aviation industry still in its infancy in Persia, Mittelholzer and Bissegger had the sky virtually to themselves as they swept low over urban centers to snap images that would soon stun European audiences.

A Junkers airplane photographed by Mittelholzer flying over Tehran
A Junkers airplane photographed by Mittelholzer flying over Tehran

Mittelholzer predicted that aerial photography would play a significant role in documentary imagery of the future.

"Another hitherto unseen world opens up before us. It is as if the Earth has thereby gained a new face, and man a new, unflawed eye," he wrote in 1928.

A fishing vessel under construction in Bushehr
A fishing vessel under construction in Bushehr

After spending several weeks inside Iran, the two Swiss aviators eventually made the long trek back to Central Europe by car. Mittelholzer would later co-found a company that became Swissair, Switzerland's national carrier until 2002. He died in a mountaineering accident in 1937 aged 43.

Kashan, in today’s Isfahan Province of Iran
Kashan, in today’s Isfahan Province of Iran

In a newspaper obituary, a friend noted that Mittelholzer's death in the mountains that he loved, and that had sparked his extraordinary career, had a certain tragic poetry: "They have embraced him 0n his last wanderings and claimed him, and perhaps he would not have wished for a better end, but alas it came all too soon, there was so much more for him to do."

Iran's Medical Council Warns Of Doctor Shortage Due To Emigration

The report cited the ongoing economic crisis in Iran as a key reason for medical personnel choosing to leave. (file photo)
The report cited the ongoing economic crisis in Iran as a key reason for medical personnel choosing to leave. (file photo)

Iran's Medical Council in a March 16 report warned that the country is facing a shortage of doctors, especially pediatric surgeons, because of the increasing number of physicians emigrating from the country. The nongovernmental organization's report cited the ongoing economic crisis in Iran as a key reason for medical personnel choosing to leave. Mohammad Raiszadeh, head of the council, previously called the "emptying of physicians" a "serious" crisis and warned about the future of Iran's health sector. To read the original story by RFE/RL's Radio Farda, click here.

Iranian Religious Scholar, Women's Rights Activist Arrested

Sedigheh Vasmaghi (file photo)
Sedigheh Vasmaghi (file photo)

Sedigheh Vasmaghi, a prominent Iranian religious scholar and political activist, has been arrested by plainclothes security agents, her husband, Mohammad Ebrahimzadeh, said on March 16. Vasmaghi was arrested at her home by four agents -- three men and a woman – with what they said was a court order. They seized her laptop, medications, and her cane, her husband said. Vasmaghi had been summoned by the authorities in the past and is an outspoken critic of the clerical establishment and the compulsory hijab. She had worn a head scarf for years, but in recent months she appeared without a head scarf to protest the repression of women, she told RFE/RL. To read the original story by RFE/RL's Radio Farda, click here.

The Azadi Briefing: Taliban's Investment In Iranian Port Signals Shift Away From Pakistan

Iranian President Hassan Rohani inaugurates the first phase of the Chabahar Port in the southern Iranian coastal city in December 2017.
Iranian President Hassan Rohani inaugurates the first phase of the Chabahar Port in the southern Iranian coastal city in December 2017.

Welcome to The Azadi Briefing, an RFE/RL newsletter that unpacks the key issues in Afghanistan. To subscribe, click here.

I'm Abubakar Siddique, senior correspondent at RFE/RL's Radio Azadi. Here's what I've been tracking and what I'm keeping an eye on in the days ahead.

The Key Issue

The Taliban has said it will invest around $35 million in Iran's strategic Chabahar Port, located in the country’s southeast.

The move announced in late February is seen as an attempt to lessen landlocked Afghanistan's dependence on Pakistani ports to access international markets.

Relations between the Taliban and Pakistan, longtime allies, have plummeted in recent years. Islamabad has accused the Taliban of harboring anti-Pakistani militants.

As bilateral ties have deteriorated, Islamabad has sporadically closed the border with Afghanistan, blocked the transit of Afghan imports, and increased taxes on Afghan exports to Pakistan. The moves have hit traders and the fragile Afghan economy hard.

“Depending on a country that has been heavily involved in Afghanistan’s affairs in such a critical area was not the right thing for Afghanistan,” a senior Taliban official told told Arab News. “Particularly that the economy of the other country is closely tied with politics."

Why It's Important: The Taliban’s decision to turn to Iran to access international markets is a strategic move with regional implications.

Access to the Chabahar Port reduces Afghanistan’s reliance on Pakistan and gives it access to India, Islamabad’s archenemy and Kabul’s traditional ally.

Islamabad has historically been Kabul’s biggest trading partner, but Iran has taken its place in recent years.

In Pakistan, foreign policy experts have expressed concern at Kabul’s expanding trade ties with its other neighbors.

“Pakistan-Afghanistan trade has dwindled from a high of $4 billion to less than a billion now,” former lawmaker Mushahid Hussain Syed wrote on X, previously Twitter.

According to the World Bank, Afghanistan’s trade with India increased by 43 percent to $570 million last year.

Since 2002, India has invested hundreds of millions of dollars in developing Chabahar and linking Afghanistan to the Iranian port.

“As a competitor of Pakistan, India cooperates with any government in Kabul if its relations with Islamabad are tense,” Nasrullah Stanikzai, an Afghan political expert, told RFE/RL’s Radio Azadi.

What's Next: The Taliban is following in the footsteps of the former Western-backed Afghan government, which saw the country’s economic future linked with Chabahar.

The cash-strapped Taliban, which remains unrecognized and sanctioned by the international community, is likely to increasingly turn to Iran to increase trade and develop the Afghan economy.

What To Keep An Eye On

The World Bank has said work has resumed on the Afghan section of a $1.2 billion project to build a power line from Central Asia to South Asia.

Work on CASA-1000 was suspended after the Taliban forcibly seized power in Afghanistan in 2021.

The World Bank announced last month that it would move forward with financing pylons and other infrastructure in the Afghan section. The Taliban confirmed the move last week.

The project will allow Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan to sell excess energy to Afghanistan and Pakistan in the summer months.

Why It's Important: The project, if completed, would be a major boon for the Afghan economy because Kabul will receive cheap hydropower and substantial transit fees.

CASA-1000 has long been seen by Afghanistan as part of its goal to be a regional hub of connectivity and trade.

That's all from me for now. Don't forget to send me any questions, comments, or tips that you have. You can always reach us at azadi.english@rferl.org.

Until next time,

Abubakar Siddique

If you enjoyed this briefing and don't want to miss the next edition, subscribe here. It will be sent to your inbox every Friday. You can always reach us at azadi.english@rferl.org

Oscar-Winning Director Asghar Farhadi Cleared Of Plagiarism By Iranian Court

Oscar-winning Iranian director Asghar Farhadi
Oscar-winning Iranian director Asghar Farhadi

An Iranian court has cleared two-time Oscar-winning director Asghar Farhadi of plagiarism charges over his film A Hero, which won the Grand Prize at the Cannes Film Festival in 2021. A former student, Azadeh Masihzadeh, had accused Farhadi of stealing the idea for the movie from a documentary she made during a workshop run by the director in 2014 in Tehran. Farhadi's public relations firm on March 13 said in a statement the court verdict was based on the "expert" opinions of three prominent professors at Tehran University, as well as experts and lecturers in the field of intellectual property rights and arts. To read the original story by RFE/RL's Radio Farda, click here.

Iran's Inflation Taking Bite Out Of Traditional Persian New Year Meals

Iranians buying items to celebrate the Persian New Year in Tehran. (file photo)
Iranians buying items to celebrate the Persian New Year in Tehran. (file photo)

Iranians, already hit hard by declining living standards, are seeing steep price increases for essential goods as the Persian New Year, Norouz, approaches.

The New Year, which this year follows the start of the holy month of Ramadan and heralds the start of spring on March 20, is traditionally a time of celebration. But the surge in prices, according to local media, has forced many to prioritize essential food items over other purchases of new clothes for the New Year celebrations at a time already marred by economic hardship.

The Tehran-based Etemad newspaper highlighted the impact of these price hikes on Ramadan, noting that the cost of consumer goods for iftar meals has multiplied compared to the previous year as Iranians continue to endure an annual inflation rate that for the past five years has been above 40 percent while purchasing power has been decimated.

The cost of preparing the traditional haft-sin table, a central part of Norouz celebrations, has also skyrocketed, retailers said.

Unrest has rattled Iran for more than a year in response to declining living standards, wage arrears, and a lack of welfare support.

The country's economy has been ravaged by U.S. sanctions, hitting budget revenues hard while also leading to a surge of protests. Labor Ministry data show that Iran's poverty rate doubled in 2021, with one-third of the population living in "extreme poverty." Since then, conditions have failed to improve.

In September 2023, Iran's Misery Index, calculated by the Iranian Statistics Center, rose to 60.4 -- its highest point ever and more than double what it was six years ago. The higher the rating, the worse off people feel.

Rasoul Shajari, the head of Tehran's Shoemakers Union, reported a 25 percent drop in demand amid a 30 percent increase in prices in Tehran's pre-Norouz shoe market. Meanwhile, the Ettela'at newspaper said its survey of retailers showed a significant decline in the demand for sweets, a staple of Norouz celebrations, due to high prices.

Compounding the economic pressures, Tehran's City Council announced fare increases for public transport, including a 16 percent rise for the subway, 21 percent for rapid transit buses, and 30 percent for regular buses, further squeezing the already strained budgets of Tehran's residents.

The situation outside the capital is just as bad.

The Mehr news agency reported from the central Iranian province of Semnan that some prices have jumped "significantly" in the weeks leading up to the holiday season.

The Etemad newspaper, in a rare move, urged officials to refrain from exacerbating the situation with "additional social pressures" such as clamping down on wearing the hijab.

The Misery Index is also seen as a barometer for societal issues, with a direct link to crime rates and even instances of suicide. The most recent index also showed that in the past year, 22 of Iran's 31 provinces reported a reading surpassing the national average, highlighting countrywide discontent.

Several protests have been held by Iranians over the past year in response to declining living standards, wage arrears, and a lack of welfare support.

The death of Amini while in police custody for allegedly wearing a head scarf improperly has added fuel to the unrest, as Iranians have also demonstrated against a lack of freedoms and women's rights.

Written by Ardeshir Tayebi based on an original story in Persian by RFE/RL's Radio Farda

Iranian Protesters Voice Outrage During Fire Festival

Iranian Protesters Voice Outrage During Fire Festival
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Throughout Iran, protesters called for change and chanted "Freedom" on March 12 during traditional bonfires for Chaharshanbe Suri. The annual fire festival, held ahead of Persian New Year, or Norouz, has become an outlet for protest.

Fires And Feast As Iranians Prepare For Persian New Year Amid Heightened Tension

Revelers take part in the traditional fire feast known as Chaharshanbe Suri on March 12. The ancient Persian festival of Zoroastrian origin marks the eve of the last Wednesday before the Persian New Year that begins on March 20.

Suspects Who Published Video Of Hospital Fight Arrested In Iran

The video in question shows a woman without the mandatory hijab holding her baby, leading to widespread public and online outrage. 
The video in question shows a woman without the mandatory hijab holding her baby, leading to widespread public and online outrage. 

Iran's judiciary has confirmed the arrest of individuals linked to a video circulating on social media that shows a confrontation between a cleric and a woman at a hospital in the central city of Qom, saying the incident was an attempt to sow "division" inside the country.

Ruhollah Muslemkhani, the deputy prosecutor of Qom, said four people had been detained in the case, which he described as “a deliberate act aimed at sowing discord within society.” He added that the case has been transferred to the Intelligence Ministry.

According to the Tasnim news agency, which is associated with the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, the deputy prosecutor said the arrested individuals were accused of “distributing the video to the London-based Iran International news channel with the intention of creating societal division” in Iran.

Government officials had initially defended the cleric involved in the confrontation.

The episode comes amid heightened sensitivity to public decency and hijab enforcement in Iran, with the video in question showing a woman, without the mandatory hijab, holding her baby, leading to widespread public and online outrage.

The woman demanded the cleric delete the unauthorized video, but instead he refused, insisting she cover up. As the confrontation intensified, the woman began to show signs of having a nervous breakdown while the man ultimately departed with the camera and video.

The woman's condition following the incident remains unknown. There was no further information on the cleric involved in the confrontation.

This case follows a recent pattern of a public outcry over clerical interference and the enforcement of the mandatory hijab, especially during and since the nationwide protests broke out in September 2022 following the death of Mahsa Amini while in police custody for an alleged head scarf violation.

The Iranian government and its officials, including those in President Ebrahim Raisi's administration, often support the so-called promoters of virtue in their efforts to enforce dress codes, with Interior Minister Ahmad Vahidi stating no permission is needed to advise women and girls on hijab compliance.

The hijab, or Islamic head scarf, became compulsory for women and girls over the age of 9 in 1981, two years after the Islamic Revolution in Iran. The move triggered protests that were swiftly crushed by the new authorities.

Many women have flouted the rule over the years and pushed the boundaries of what officials say is acceptable clothing.

Since Amini died, thousands of Iranians have taken to the streets to demand more freedoms and women's rights, with the judiciary, backed by lawmakers, responding to the biggest threat to the Islamic government since the 1979 revolution with a brutal crackdown.

Several thousand people have been arrested, including many protesters, as well as journalists, lawyers, activists, digital rights defenders, and others.

At least nine protesters have been executed after what rights groups and several Western governments have called "sham" trials.

Written by Ardeshir Tayebi based on an original story in Persian by RFE/RL's Radio Farda

Iran Official Says Health System Faces 'Disaster' Over Nurse Exodus

A nurse at a hospital in Hamedan, Iran, pauses for a moment while caring for patients with the coronavirus in April 2021.
A nurse at a hospital in Hamedan, Iran, pauses for a moment while caring for patients with the coronavirus in April 2021.

A member of the leadership of Iran's Medical Council (IRIMC) says the issue of nurses migrating to other countries has become a full-blown crisis, leaving Iran's hospitals far below international standards for treating patients.

Abolghasem Talebi, a member of the Supreme Council of IRIMC, told state-run radio on March 11 that the stark disparity between Iran and the global standard for nurse-to-bed ratios highlights the critical state of the country's health-care system.

He said nearly 3,000 nurses leave Iran each year, a figure that starkly contrasts with the 10,000 individuals trained annually at the country's educational institutions. This mass exodus, Talebi said, creates a "disaster" for the nation's health-care system.

"While the international norm stands at three nurses per bed, Iran's ratio is alarmingly less than a third of this benchmark," he said.

Talebi said Iran's health-care system currently employs around 240,000 nurses and that even with recruitment efforts trying to match the current total number of active nurses the system remains well below accepted international standards.

The Iranian Nursing System Organization has acknowledged the alarming rate of nurse migration and its effects on patient care, noting that retirement levels -- around 6,000 nurses annually -- is making it even harder to staff nursing stations, "compromising the quality of care and potentially leading to increased patient mortality."

Thousands of Iranian health professionals have left their homeland in recent years, mainly due to the country’s deepening economic crisis, difficult working conditions, and the lack of social and political freedoms.

Iranian media outlets estimate some 16,000 doctors, including specialists, have left the Islamic republic since 2020, leading to warnings of a public health-care crisis.

Tehran's harsh response to unrest across the country -- both by struggling industrial workers and farmers suffering severe water shortages in recent years, as well as supporters of the country's Women, Life, Freedom movement who have voiced their anger at the clerical establishment -- appears to have pushed many Iranians to consider leaving as well.

Written by Ardeshir Tayebi based on an original story in Persian by RFE/RL's Radio Farda

Tehran Court Says Iranian-German National, U.S. Must Pay $2.5 Billion Over 2008 Bombing

Jamshid Sharmahd in an Iranian courtroom in 2022
Jamshid Sharmahd in an Iranian courtroom in 2022

A court in Tehran has ordered Iranian-German national Jamshid Sharmahd and the United States government to pay $2.5 billion in compensation to victims of a 2008 bombing in Shiraz in southern Iran.

The Tehran International Claims Court handed down its decision on March 11, saying 116 plaintiffs claiming to be families of the deceased and wounded in the attack at the Sayyid al-Shuhada Husseiniya mosque were owed compensation. Fourteen Iranians were killed and 210 others wounded in the incident, which occurred during a ceremony to mourn the death of Imam Hussein, the third imam of Shi'a Muslims.

The court said Sharmahd was part of the Tondar group, which it deemed responsible for the bombing in Shiraz, according to the Mizan News Agency, which is affiliated with Iran's judiciary.

Sharmahd was detained under unclear circumstances in 2020 and is accused by the Iranian Intelligence Ministry of being a member of the Iranian opposition group Kingdom Assembly of Iran, or Tondar.

Based in Los Angeles, Tondar says it aims to overthrow the Islamic republic and reestablish a monarchy similar to that of Cyrus the Great. It runs pro-Iranian opposition radio and television stations abroad, as well as social media channels. Because it is based in the United States, the court ruled the U.S. government is also liable.

Iran's Intelligence Ministry accused Sharmahd of planning the bombing, a charge his family has robustly refuted, dismissing them as "ridiculous."

In November, Sharmahd's daughter, Gazelle Sharmahd, said her 68-year-old father is barely able to walk and talk due to health conditions that prison authorities have failed to properly treat. She added that her father suffers from Parkinson's disease and could die due to his deteriorating health

Iran is known to have assassinated and abducted multiple exiled opposition figures in the past, including Iranian journalist Ruhollah Zam, the administrator of the opposition Amadnews Telegram channel that has been accused by authorities of stirring up domestic dissent.

At least one other Iranian-German dual citizen, Nahid Taghvi, is also being held in Iran, which has arrested dozens of foreigners and dual nationals in recent years, often on widely criticized espionage and security-related charges.

Western countries have repeatedly said that Iran is trying to take advantage of foreign countries by taking dual and foreign nationals hostage and then using them in prisoner swaps.

Written by Ardeshir Tayebi based on an original story in Persian by RFE/RL's Radio Farda

Two Women Arrested In Tehran For Dancing Dressed As Fictional Folk Character

Tensions have been rising in Iran over public conduct by Iranians and the enforcement of dress codes, especially with women.
Tensions have been rising in Iran over public conduct by Iranians and the enforcement of dress codes, especially with women.

Two Iranian women were detained after a video surfaced on social media showing them dancing in Tehran's Tajrish Square while dressed as a fictional character in Iranian folklore known as "Haji Firuz."

Haji Firuz is traditionally associated with the celebrations leading up to Norouz, the Persian New Year, marking the onset of spring on March 20.

Their performance was deemed by the authorities to be an act of "social defiance," leading to their arrest by order of the Tehran prosecutor for "committing acts of norm-breaking," according to reports by the semiofficial Tasnim news agency.

Tensions have been rising in Iran over public conduct by Iranians and the enforcement of dress codes, especially with women.

In a separate incident in Qom, a city known for its religious significance, a confrontation at a medical center escalated into a national controversy.

The furor was touched off when a video emerged on social media that showed a clergyman filming a woman who was not wearing the mandatory hijab as she held a child in the clinic.

The visibly shaken mother pleaded with the cleric for him to delete the unauthorized recording, but he insisted on continuing, saying she had to adhere to the hijab rule. The confrontation continues until the woman appears to begin having a nervous breakdown while the cleric is seen fleeing the scene with his camera.

This encounter prompted significant reaction on social media, with initial reports from pro-government channels claiming that the woman, along with clinic staff, faced arrest by the intelligence arm of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps. They also claimed the medical center was temporarily closed.

However, government and judicial authorities rejected the claims and said that no arrests had been made in connection with the incident.

The Qom prosecutor has since ordered an investigation to identify those responsible for disseminating the footage to the media.

The hijab, or Islamic head scarf, became compulsory for women and girls over the age of 9 in 1981, two years after the Islamic Revolution in Iran. The move triggered protests that were swiftly crushed by the new authorities.

Many women have flouted the rule over the years and pushed the boundaries of what officials say is acceptable clothing.

Since September 2022, when 22-year-old Mahsa Amini died while in police custody for an alleged head-scarf violation, thousands of Iranians have taken to the streets to demand more freedoms and women's rights, with the judiciary, backed by lawmakers, responding to the biggest threat to the Islamic government since the 1979 revolution with a brutal crackdown.

Several thousand people have been arrested, including many protesters, as well as journalists, lawyers, activists, digital rights defenders, and others.

At least nine protesters have been executed after what rights groups and several Western governments have called "sham" trials.

Written by Ardeshir Tayebi based on an original story in Persian by RFE/RL's Radio Farda

Imprisoned Iranian Cleric Says Under Pressure To Confess To Crimes He Didn't Commit

Mohammad Taghi Akbarnejad, a cleric and vocal opponent of Iran's leadership, was arrested on February 17 by agents of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps' intelligence service.
Mohammad Taghi Akbarnejad, a cleric and vocal opponent of Iran's leadership, was arrested on February 17 by agents of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps' intelligence service.

In a rare phone call from Qom prison, Mohammad Taghi Akbarnejad, an Iranian cleric and seminary professor known for his outspoken criticism of Supreme Leader Ali Ayatollah Khamenei's policies, said he has been pressured to make false confessions and faces constant attempts by the authorities to discredit him.

Akbarnejad, who has been a vocal opponent of the Islamic republic's leadership, was arrested on February 17 by agents of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps' intelligence service.

During the call, Akbarnejad revealed he spent 14 days in solitary confinement at security detention centers where officers pressured him to confess.

"They pressured me to make false confessions for release without trial. They wanted me to appear on camera and express regret for my words and actions," he said, adding that he was being pressured to confess to crimes he did not commit.

When he refused, he said officials began fabricating cases against him and then pressuring needy families to file complaints against him claiming he misled them as a representative of the leadership.

Akbarnejad's criticism has not been limited to the current leadership. He has also targeted the foundational rhetoric and strategies of the Islamic republic, including those of its founder, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.

In a widely shared social media video, he accused Khomeini of misunderstanding the world and leading the country astray, notably referring to the eight-year Iran-Iraq War in the 1980s as an example of misguided leadership.

The cleric has also critiqued the establishment's shift in rhetoric pre-and post-revolution, suggesting their current claims would not gain significant public support if put to a referendum.

Akbarnejad's situation appears to be part of a pattern of repression against clerics critical of Iran's supreme leadership.

In a related case, the Special Clerical Court of Shiraz recently sentenced Shahabeddin Haeri Shirazi to three years in prison, highlighting tensions within the clerical community and the authorities' efforts to suppress dissent.

Criticism of Khamenei, who has the last say on almost every decision in Iran, is considered a red line in Iran, and his critics often land in prison, where political prisoners are routinely held in solitary confinement and subjected to various forms of torture.

Written by Ardeshir Tayebi based on an original story in Persian by RFE/RL's Radio Farda

Rights Groups Say Hundreds Of Iranian Women Detained Last Year, Dozens Still Held

Iranian security officers patrol the streets for alleged head-scarf violations on March 4.
Iranian security officers patrol the streets for alleged head-scarf violations on March 4.

The human rights organization Hengaw said Iranian security agencies detained over 300 women for political or ideological reasons last year, with more than 100 still facing imprisonment for various charges.

According to a report released on March 8 by Hengaw, which closely tracks human rights violations in Iran, at least 325 women were apprehended by security forces across Iran in 2023. The detainees include a diverse group including at least 18 students, 17 journalists and media activists, 10 artists and actors, and seven teachers.

The same day, which was International Women's Day, the human rights monitor HRANA revealed the identities of 113 women who currently are imprisoned for their beliefs.

The charges laid against the women primarily encompass accusations of propaganda against the system, assembly and collusion, "corruption on Earth," and espionage. The allegations have led to severe penalties, including life prison sentences and multiple years of incarceration.

Hengaw's findings also highlighted the judicial proceedings against female activists in Iran during 2023.

It said at least 147 women activists were subjected to trials in Iran's judiciary system. The sentences handed down included imprisonment, lashing, and in one instance capital punishment.

In total, 139 female activists were condemned to a total of 553 years and 10 months of punitive imprisonment. Additionally, 10 individuals, apart from their prison sentences, were collectively sentenced to 557 lashes, underlining the harsh penalties faced by female activists in Iran.

Since September 2022, when 22-year-old Mahsa Amini died while in police custody for an alleged head-scarf violation, thousands of Iranians have taken to the streets to demand more freedoms and women's rights, with the judiciary, backed by lawmakers, responding to the biggest threat to the Islamic government since the 1979 revolution with a brutal crackdown.

Several thousand have been arrested, including many protesters, as well as journalists, lawyers, activists, digital rights defenders, and others. At least nine protesters have been executed after what rights groups and several Western governments have called "sham" trials.

Written by Ardeshir Tayebi based on an original story in Persian by RFE/RL's Radio Farda

Iran Rejects Critical UN Report On Death Of Mahsa Amini, Crackdown On Protests

A woman holds a portrait of her son, who was killed during the crackdown on protesters in Iran.
A woman holds a portrait of her son, who was killed during the crackdown on protesters in Iran.

Iran condemned a United Nations report on the September 2022 death of a 22-year-old woman in police custody and the protests that later erupted, denouncing what it called Western countries' "Iranophobia." The March 9 Foreign Ministry statement followed a UN mission report that found the Iranian government was responsible for the physical violence that led to the death of Mahsa Amini, and for the brutal crackdown on street protests. Amini was arrested in Tehran by the so-called morality police, accused of improperly wearing a head scarf. Within hours of her detention, she was hospitalized in a coma and died days later. Spokesman Nasser Kanani asserted the UN report contained "baseless claims" and "false and biased information, without a legal basis." To read the original story by RFE/RL's Radio Farda, click here.

Iranian Government 'Bears Responsibility' For Amini's Death, Brutal Crackdown, UN Mission Says

A mourner clutches a portrait of Mahsa Amini.
A mourner clutches a portrait of Mahsa Amini.

The Iranian government "bears responsibility" for the physical violence that led to the death of Mahsa Amini, the 22-year-old Iranian-Kurdish woman who died in police custody in 2022, and for the brutal crackdown on largely peaceful street protests that followed, a report by a United Nations fact-finding mission says.

The report, issued on March 8 by the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on the Islamic Republic of Iran, said the mission “has established the existence of evidence of trauma to Ms. Amini’s body, inflicted while in the custody of the morality police."

It said the mission found the "physical violence in custody led to Ms. Amini’s unlawful death.... On that basis, the state bears responsibility for her unlawful death.”

Amini was arrested in Tehran on September 13, 2022, while visiting the Iranian capital with her family. She was detained by Iran's so-called "morality police" for allegedly improperly wearing her hijab, or hair-covering head scarf. Within hours of her detention, she was hospitalized in a coma and died on September 16.

Her family has denied that Amini suffered from a preexisting health condition that may have contributed to her death, as claimed by the Iranian authorities, and her father has cited eyewitnesses as saying she was beaten while en route to a detention facility.

The fact-finding report said the action “emphasizes the arbitrary character of Ms. Amini’s arrest and detention, which were based on laws and policies governing the mandatory hijab, which fundamentally discriminate against women and girls and are not permissible under international human rights law."

"Those laws and policies violate the rights to freedom of expression, freedom of religion or belief, and the autonomy of women and girls. Ms. Amini’s arrest and detention, preceding her death in custody, constituted a violation of her right to liberty of person,” it said.

The New York-based Center for Human Rights in Iran hailed the findings and said they represented clear signs of "crimes against humanity."

“The Islamic republic’s violent repression of peaceful dissent and severe discrimination against women and girls in Iran has been confirmed as constituting nothing short of crimes against humanity,” said Hadi Ghaemi, executive director of the center.

“The government’s brutal crackdown on the Women, Life, Freedom protests has seen a litany of atrocities that include extrajudicial killings, torture, and rape. These violations disproportionately affect the most vulnerable in society, women, children, and minority groups,” he added.

The report also said the Iranian government failed to “comply with its duty” to investigate the woman’s death promptly.

“Most notably, judicial harassment and intimidation were aimed at her family in order to silence them and preempt them from seeking legal redress. Some family members faced arbitrary arrest, while the family’s lawyer, Saleh Nikbaht, and three journalists, Niloofar Hamedi, Elahe Mohammadi, and Nazila Maroufian, who reported on Ms. Amini’s death were arrested, prosecuted, and sentenced to imprisonment,” it added.

Amini's death sparked mass protests, beginning in her home town of Saghez, then spreading around the country, and ultimately posed one of the biggest threats to Iran's clerical establishment since the foundation of the Islamic republic in 1979. At least 500 people were reported killed in the government’s crackdown on demonstrators.

The UN report said "violations and crimes" under international law committed in the context of the Women, Life, Freedom protests include "extrajudicial and unlawful killings and murder, unnecessary and disproportionate use of force, arbitrary deprivation of liberty, torture, rape, enforced disappearances, and gender persecution.

“The violent repression of peaceful protests and pervasive institutional discrimination against women and girls has led to serious human rights violations by the government of Iran, many amounting to crimes against humanity," the report said.

The UN mission acknowledged that some state security forces were killed and injured during the demonstrations, but said it found that the majority of protests were peaceful.

The mission stems from the UN Human Rights Council's mandate to the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on the Islamic Republic of Iran on November 24, 2022, to investigate alleged human rights violations in Iran related to the protests that followed Amini's death.

Activists Demand International Boycott Of Iran To 'Delegitimize The Regime'

The activists hailed the growing defiance of the mandatory head covering in Iran as an "achievement" of the Women, Life, Freedom movement, which was born out of the deadly 2022 unrest that rocked the country.
The activists hailed the growing defiance of the mandatory head covering in Iran as an "achievement" of the Women, Life, Freedom movement, which was born out of the deadly 2022 unrest that rocked the country.

Dozens of Iranian activists at home and abroad have called on the international community to boycott the Islamic republic for committing "gender apartheid."

In a statement marking International Women's Day on March 8, more than 40 activists and groups hailed the growing defiance against the mandatory head covering in Iran as an "achievement" of the Women, Life, Freedom movement, which was born out of the deadly 2022 unrest that rocked the country.

More than 500 protesters were killed in the protests that broke out following the death of Mahsa Amini, a 22-year-old Iranian-Kurdish woman who died in police custody after being detained for allegedly flouting the country's hijab law. Iran's brutal crackdown on the protests has been widely condemned by rights groups.

"This woman-killing regime has no legitimacy in Iran, and we ask the international community to also delegitimize the regime," the statement from the activists says.

In a separate statement, jailed Nobel laureate Narges Mohammadi urged international rights groups to help the women of Iran and Afghanistan by pushing for “the criminalization of gender apartheid” committed by the Islamic republic and the Taliban-led government in Kabul through “systemic and targeted” discrimination against women.

Mohammadi, who won the 2023 Nobel Peace Prize, has been convicted five times since 2021 on various security-related charges and has been sentenced to more than 12 years in prison.

On March 4, London-based activist Fariba Baluch, who has been advocating for the rights of women and the Baluch ethnic minority in Iran, was awarded the U.S. State Department’s International Women of Courage Award.

"This award is not mine, but for all the nameless, courageous girls and women in Iran who are fighting for their basic demands," she told RFE/RL’s Radio Farda.

The United Nations' Independent International Fact-Finding Mission asserted in a report on March 8 that Iran's repression of the 2022 protests and "pervasive institutional discrimination against women" had led to serious human rights violations, "many amounting to crimes against humanity."

The fact-finding mission concluded that unless the Iranian establishment implements fundamental changes, member states of the UN Human Rights Council "should explore avenues for accountability at international level and in their domestic systems."

The Islamic republic has long been dismissive of concerns by Western states and rights groups about women's rights in Iran.

"The issue of women is a point of strength in Islam," Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei said in an address to a group of women in December 2023. "It should not be thought that we are supposed to be held accountable on the issue of women."

Jailed Iranian Dissident Rapper Moved Back To Psychiatric Clinic

Saman Yasin
Saman Yasin

Jailed Iranian dissident rapper Saman Yasin, who was detained during the nationwide protests in 2022 and has since detailed harrowing accounts of physical and psychological torture he has endured, has once again been moved from prison to a psychiatric institution.

The Kurdistan Human Rights Network reported Yasin's transfer to the Aminabad Psychiatric Hospital in Rey on March 7, adding he was moved from the Qezelhesar prison in Karaj earlier this week.

The move has again put a spotlight on the treatment of political prisoners in Iran, where the judiciary sends offenders to psychiatric centers as part of their punishment. Prominent psychiatry boards in Iran have called the practice an abuse of judicial authority.

Yasin recently made a plea from prison to the judiciary to "issue my death sentence" rather than continue holding him indefinitely without a trial. He has been detained without trial for 18 months, with multiple court dates set and then subsequently delayed.

Initial reports suggest Yasin was first taken to a local police station during nationwide protests in September 2022 before being transferred to Evin prison and subsequently to the Greater Tehran prison.

The judiciary's news agency has reported that Yasin was accused of "waging war against God," a charge that led to a death sentence from the Tehran Revolutionary Court. However, the Supreme Court accepted Yasin's appeal for a retrial and referred his case back to the Revolutionary Court. A retrial has yet to take place.

Yasin has described enduring a "mock execution" set up by prison officials before being moved to prison in Karaj.

He has consistently maintained his innocence, releasing multiple audio recordings to publicize his claims. He has also reportedly launched at least one hunger strike in protest.

It's not Yasin's first transfer to Aminabad, where he previously reported adverse reactions to an unidentified medication, raising serious health concerns. The incident mirrors the case of Behnam Mahjoubi, a Gonabadi Dervish activist who died in 2021 following similar transfers and medical neglect.

Human rights lawyer Saeed Dehghan has criticized the use of psychiatric facilities like Aminabad for political prisoners, indicating a punitive approach by the judiciary and prison authorities.

Since the September 2022 death of Mahsa Amini in custody after she was detained for allegedly wearing a head scarf improperly, Iranians have taken to the streets across the country to protest a lack of rights, with women and schoolgirls making unprecedented shows of support in the biggest threat to the Islamic government since the 1979 revolution.

The judiciary, at the urging of lawmakers, has instituted harsh penalties, including the death sentence, for offenders.

Written by Ardeshir Tayebi based on an original story in Persian by RFE/RL's Radio Farda

Oil Tanker Caught Up In Iran-U.S. Dispute Over Sanctions

Why did Iran seize the Advantage Sweet, a Marshall Islands-flagged oil tanker bound for the United States? (file photo)
Why did Iran seize the Advantage Sweet, a Marshall Islands-flagged oil tanker bound for the United States? (file photo)

When Iran seized a Marshall Islands-flagged oil tanker last year, Tehran said the transporter had collided with and damaged an Iranian vessel in the Gulf of Oman.

Now, nearly one year later, Tehran said it will confiscate the cargo of the Advantage Sweet, which was transporting oil from Kuwait to the U.S. state of Texas, in retaliation for crippling American sanctions against the Islamic republic.

The Mizan news agency, which is affiliated with Iran's judiciary, reported on March 6 that a Tehran court had ruled in favor of confiscating the oil, which is valued at around $50 million.

The 55th branch of the Tehran Court of Justice said funds from the sale of the oil will be used to compensate patients suffering from epidermolysis bullosa, a rare skin disease. The court ruled that U.S. sanctions have prevented a Swedish company from selling medicine to Iran that is used to treat the disease and caused Iranian “patients severe emotional and physical damage.”

EB Home, an Iranian nongovernmental organization representing over 300 epidermolysis bullosa patients, had brought a case against the United States in the Tehran court. In a statement following the court ruling, the NGO described U.S. sanctions as “criminal and unilateral.”

U.S. State Department spokesman Matthew Miller criticized the ruling and demanded that the tanker be “immediately released.”

“Iran’s continued harassment of vessels and interference with navigational rights and freedoms in the region’s vital waterways is a threat to maritime security, regional stability, and the global economy,” he said in a press briefing on March 6.

The U.S. military said in January that Iran was “holding five ships and over 90 members hostage” from vessels it seized in 2023. Most Iranian tanker seizures are carried out by the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), the elite branch of Iran’s armed forces.

Iran said it seized the Advantage Sweet in April 2023. The tanker was chartered by U.S. oil giant Chevron and was carrying oil to the U.S. port of Houston, according to ship tracking data.

Iran’s capture of the Advantage Sweet came days after the United States seized Suez Rajan, an oil tanker that was transporting sanctioned Iranian oil to China.

Months after seizing the Suez Rajan, and despite Tehran’s threats, Washington begun unloading the ship’s oil in August 2023.

Sanctions And 'Butterfly' Patients

The Tehran court’s ruling has put the spotlight on the impact of U.S. sanctions on the health sector in Iran.

In 2018, then-U.S. President Donald Trump unilaterally withdrew Washington from a landmark nuclear deal between Iran and world powers and reimposed sanctions against Tehran.

Iranians have witnessed rising prices and faced shortages of life-saving medicine -- including drugs for cancer treatment and insulin -- in recent years due to U.S. sanctions and corruption.

U.S. sanctions imposed on Iran exclude food and medicine. But in practice, the restrictions have made it difficult for Tehran to purchase some drugs, according to human rights groups.

There are estimated to be hundreds of epidermolysis bullosa patients in Iran.(file photo)
There are estimated to be hundreds of epidermolysis bullosa patients in Iran.(file photo)

That includes specialized bandages produced by Swedish firm Molnlycke that are used to treat epidermolysis bullosa patients, who often develop painful blisters and wounds, similar to third-degree burns. They are sometimes referred to as “butterfly” patients due to the fragility of their skin.

State Department spokesman Miller told reporters on March 6 that U.S. sanctions “have always had a carveout for humanitarian purchases.”

“We have never prevented medicine from reaching the Iranian people,” he added.

EB Home, the Iranian NGO, had previously filed an unsuccessful complaint against Molnlycke in Sweden in 2021.

In its failed complaint, the NGO claimed that Molnlycke had informed it in March 2019 correspondence that it had “decided not to conduct any business with relation to Iran for the time being. This also applies to business conducted under any form of exceptions to the US economic sanctions.”

In a 2021 report, United Nations experts warned about the consequences of “over-compliance” with U.S. sanctions on “butterfly kids,” who they said “can no longer enjoy the right to health.”

The following year, the Swedish government provided financial support to the United Nations Children's Fund to procure and deliver specialized bandages to Iran.

“The lack of availability of certain medicines and health products in Iran is a humanitarian concern, affected by the impact of the sanctions regime on financial transactions,” Sweden’s then-ambassador to Iran, Mattias Lentz, said. “We do hope a solution will be found and will continue to support such a solution.”

U.S. Treasury Chief Says Congress Inaction On Ukraine Aid A 'Gift' To Putin, Iran

U.S. Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen (file photo)
U.S. Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen (file photo)

U.S. Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen said on March 7 that Congress's inaction in approving new U.S. aid to Ukraine is "nothing short of a gift" to Russian President Vladimir Putin, Iran, and other adversaries as Ukrainian forces run short of ammunition to fight Russia's invasion. In remarks at the start of a meeting with German Economy Minister Robert Habeck in Washington, Yellen urged House of Representatives Speaker Mike Johnson again to swiftly pass a $61 billion military and economic aid package for Ukraine.

Baha'is Say Iranian Security Forces Destroyed 30 Graves At Tehran Cemetery

The actions of the Islamic republic's authorities not only inflicted severe and fresh pain on these families, but also underscored the "inhumanity of their conduct" toward believers, a Baha'i spokeswoman said.
The actions of the Islamic republic's authorities not only inflicted severe and fresh pain on these families, but also underscored the "inhumanity of their conduct" toward believers, a Baha'i spokeswoman said.

Officials from Iran's Baha'i community say Iranian security forces have destroyed more than 30 graves at the Golestan Javid, a cemetery dedicated to Baha'is in Tehran, in what they characterized as an attempt to erase the existence of the deceased because of their religious beliefs.

According to a statement from the Baha'i International Community group, the targeted graves were located in the Khavaran mass grave site and the demolition was done with the aim of completely obscuring the presence of the burial sites.

Simin Fahandej, the spokeswoman for the Worldwide Baha’i Community in Geneva, said the actions of the Islamic republic's authorities not only inflicted severe and fresh pain on these families, but also underscored the "inhumanity of their conduct" toward believers.

Since the Islamic Republic of Iran was established in 1979, hundreds of Baha'is have been arrested and jailed for their beliefs. At least 200 have been executed or were arrested and never heard from again.

Thousands more have been banned from receiving higher education or had their property confiscated, while Baha'i cemeteries are often desecrated in what Baha'is say is the systematic targeting of the group.

The Khavaran cemetery in the east of the capital was traditionally a final resting place for members of religious minorities who were interred there to keep them separate from the graves of Muslims.

But decades of forced disappearances and secret extrajudicial executions have made Khavaran best-known as a secret burial ground for some of the thousands killed.

The graves at Khavaran are unmarked, and Tehran has for decades barred families of the dead from mourning there and punished those who left flowers and mementos.

In April 2023, Baha'i believers Shadi Shahidzadeh, Mansour Amini, Vahid Qadamian, and Ataollah Zafar were arrested in connection with activities related to the cemetery. Three months later, Tehran's Revolutionary Court sentenced each to five years in prison.

Iran accuses Baha'is of having links to Israel, where the city of Haifa hosts a center of the Baha'i faith. Baha'i leaders reject the allegations and say they are used as a pretext to persecute members.

There are some 300,000 Baha'i adherents in Iran and an estimated 5 million worldwide.

In Iran, where their faith is not officially recognized in the constitution, its leaders say they face systematic persecution.

Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has on several occasions called the Baha'i faith a cult and, in a religious fatwa issued in 2018, he forbade contact, including business dealings, with followers of the faith.

Written by Ardeshir Tayebi based on an original story in Persian by RFE/RL's Radio Farda

Casualties Reported After Explosion, Fire At Refinery In Iran

An initial report by state news agencies IRNA and ISNA said there were "several dead and injured" but gave no precise toll.
An initial report by state news agencies IRNA and ISNA said there were "several dead and injured" but gave no precise toll.

An explosion and fire at the Aftab oil refinery in Iran's southern port of Bandar Abbas has caused casualties, state media reported on March 7. An initial report by state news agencies IRNA and ISNA said there were "several dead and injured" but gave no precise toll. IRNA said there had been no official statement about the incident. A public relations representative at the refinery later told the media there had been "no serious damage" and that only two employees suffered "minor injuries." No cause was given for the incident. The Aftab refinery is described on its webpage as "the largest private refinery in Iran." To read the original story by RFE/RL's Radio Farda, click here.

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