Will Pamir Kyrgyz Leave The 'Roof Of The World'?
Resettling an entire ethnic group in another country is a monumental task fraught with legal, political, and logistical complications.
But that’s what Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov wants to do with 1,500 nomadic Pamir Kyrgyz who eke out a pastoral existence in the most remote corner of northeast Afghanistan.
A century of isolation in the panhandle of Badakhshan Province has insulated the Pamir Kyrgyz from the decades of war that have ravaged Afghanistan.
But life there can be as harsh as the winter winds.
With a diet devoid of fruits and vegetables, and with only sporadic medical care from traveling doctors, the Pamir Kyrgyz have one of the world’s highest infant mortality rates and shortest life expectancies.
Last winter was particularly brutal.
Even with helicopters airlifting emergency medical and food supplies, scores of Pamir Kyrgyz nomads died from illness and malnutrition.
Japarov is vowing to build new houses for all of them within the mountainous Chong-Alay district of Kyrgyzstan’s southwestern Osh region.
“The hardships of the Pamir Kyrgyz have been constantly disturbing my thoughts for a long time,” Japarov said on April 4. "I have had the desire for them to be resettled in their historical homeland for a long time and now I mean to realize these intentions.”
“I will do this as soon as possible,” Japarov said. “This issue will be under my control. We do have financial resources and a plan about how and where they will be relocated. We will create good conditions for them.”
Implementing the plan will require at least tacit approval and cooperation from Afghanistan’s government.
It also will require the willingness of the Pamir Kyrgyz themselves to leave the two valleys on “the roof of the world” that they call home -- the Big Pamir and the Little Pamir.
Just days before Japarov announced his initiative, Afghan Foreign Minister Mohammad Hanif Atmar met in Kyrgyzstan with Pamir Kyrgyz families who’ve resettled there since 2017.
They said it’s important to be granted Kyrgyz citizenship as soon as possible -- a legal status allowing them to travel abroad as well as clearing bureaucratic hurdles for state pensions and social benefits.
They’ve seen progress on that issue.
On April 28, Bishkek granted Kyrgyz citizenship to 44 former Pamir residents who’ve resettled in the village of Sary-Mogol in the Alay district of the Osh region.
But others say they still have concerns about the provision of land plots and the transformation of the land.
The Kyrgyz government has already paid for the transit of 33 resettled Pamir Kyrgyz and provided homes for them.
Afghan officials have declined to comment publicly on the resettlement proposal.
Afghan government sources privately tell RFE/RL it is a sensitive issue that is “under assessment.”
History On The World's Roof
Scalloped out by a glacier in mountains that tower more than 7,000 meters above sea level, the Big Pamir and Little Pamir valleys lie along the route that Venetian merchant-traveler Marco Polo took on his journey to China in the late 13th century.
Central Asian historians say the Pamir valleys were a place of seasonal migration for nomadic Kyrgyz herders at least as far back as the 1570s.
They pastured livestock there during the second half of the 19th century when the mountain valleys were on the fringe of the expanding Imperial Russian Empire’s Turkestan region.
It was the geopolitics of the late 19th and early 20th centuries that boxed in the Little Pamir and part of the Big Pamir between the borders of what is now Tajikistan, China, Pakistan, and Pakistani-administered Kashmir.
In an attempt to bring their Great Game confrontations to an end in the 1890s, cartographers from tsarist Russia and British Colonial India created the panhandle of northeast Afghanistan, known as the Wakhan Corridor, as a buffer zone between their empires.
Then, following the Central Asian revolt of 1916 in Russia’s Turkestan region, Kyrgyz refugees fled into western China and the Wakhan Corridor to escape a ruthless crackdown by Russian forces.
Today’s Pamir Kyrgyz in the Wakhan Corridor are descendants of the nomadic herders who sought safety there in 1916.
Ted Callahan, an anthropologist who lived with the Pamir Kyrgyz for some 15 months between 2006 and 2010, says the development of the Soviet Union after Russia’s 1917 Bolshevik Revolution changed the lives of the nomadic herders immensely.
“Prior to the establishment of a hard border, they had freely crossed the Panj River going from what’s now Tajikistan into Afghanistan,” Callahan explains. “But Soviet troops were sent to garrison that border and enforce border controls that divided the Big Pamir.”
“The Pamir Kyrgyz found it much more difficult to follow their nomadic seasonal patterns in which they’d often go up to the Pamirs for the summer and spend the winter in lower lying areas -- whether that was in China or [Imperial] Russia,” Callahan told RFE/RL.
“The geopolitical forces around them hardened the borders,” Callahan says. “They found that Afghanistan offered them a safe haven. So they adapted their pastoral nomadic structure to a much more constrained environment, living in the Pamir Mountains of Afghanistan full time.”
Afghanistan’s Saur Revolution of 1978, a Soviet-backed coup d’etat against the rule of Afghan President Mohammad Daud Khan, brought another change that divided the Pamir Kyrgyz.
Haji Rakhmankul Khan, the strongman leader of the Pamir Kyrgyz clans, organized an exodus of some 1,500 herdsmen into Pakistan shortly before the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.
He left only a few disgruntled families behind in his stronghold, the Little Pamir, and about 500 herders in the Big Pamir.
“They saw the mobilization of Soviet forces across the border of Afghanistan,” Callahan explains. “By this point, there was a lot of bad blood between the Pamir Kyrgyz and the Soviets -- a long history of cross-border raiding, punitive expeditions against the Kyrgyz in the Pamir. They feared that if the Soviets came in they would be persecuted.”
Callahan says the exodus became a great opportunity for most of those who stayed behind in the Big Pamir because “they were freed from Haji Rakhmankul’s autocratic leadership.”
“They had a lot of pasture open up,” Callahan says. “Relatively few actually moved into the Little Pamir because there wasn’t enough manpower there for their labor-intensive lifestyle.”
“What also happened is that the others left a lot of their livestock behind, thinking their move to Pakistan was going to be a temporary relocation and they would potentially come back,” he said.
But life as refugees in a relatively low-altitude part of Pakistan proved to be difficult for them. Before long, more than 100 died in the warmer climate.
“They sent a scouting mission back into Afghanistan after the Soviets did invade, and it turned out that things weren’t so bad there,” Callahan explains. “Meanwhile, there were fissures growing within the Kyrgyz community in Pakistan.”
“Some who were still close to Haji Rakhmankul were willing to stay with him -- his kinfolk and others,” Callahan says.
In 1982, Ankara agreed to host Rakhmankul Khan and 1,200 Pamir Kyrgyz refugees still with him in Pakistan. A United Nations airlift delivered them to a new settlement near Van Lake in mostly Kurdish southeastern Turkey.
Today, that community in the village of Uluu Pamir, Turkey, is more than 2,500 strong and is seen as an example of a successful resettlement.
Meanwhile, about 50 families who were unhappy with Rakhmankul Khan’s leadership refused to go with him to Turkey. They packed up their yurts in Pakistan and returned to Afghanistan.
Callahan, whose research has focused on the political power structure of the Pamir Kyrgyz clans, says there was a much bigger fracturing of leadership when he lived with them in Afghanistan.
“Haji Rakhmankul Khan was the last of their traditional khans,” he says. “He had authority, but he also had the ability to compel -- meaning he could rule by force rather than by persuasion.”
Callahan says the livestock holdings were much more evenly disbursed when those who split with Rakhmankul returned to Afghanistan.
“You didn’t have a khan who controlled all the livestock and could withhold it from people,” he explains. “There weren’t any extremely rich guys who were interested in political power. So there hasn’t been the development of a highly vertical leadership structure there since then.”
At one point, three different clan leaders claimed to be the rightful khan.
“All of the subsequent khans have had to work through consensus,” he says. “They haven’t had power in the sense of being able to force anybody to do anything.”
That gives members of today’s Pamir Kyrgyz community in Afghanistan more independence to decide for themselves whether or not to accept Japarov’s offer to resettle in Kyrgyzstan.
Nomadic Life vs. Modern World
The rhythm of life for the nomadic Kyrgyz in Afghanistan is still the sun and seasons, not manmade clocks.
During the summer, they live in yurts on the southern side of the Big Pamir and Little Pamir valleys -- the shady side -- where they tend their sheep, goats, and yaks.
In the winter, they “up stick” their yurts and move to mudbrick huts they’ve built on the north side of the Little Pamir valley floor and near the Panj River in the Big Pamir.
There is more sun there, which means the snow melts faster. And the mudbrick shelters give better protection from the winter winds that scour the valley’s gently rising sides.
Tobias Marschall, an anthropologist who spent about 11 months living with the Pamir Kyrgyz nomads between 2015 and 2019, says clan elders have mixed views about whether they should stay or go.
“I know from a lot of families that a lot of people don’t want to leave the Afghan Pamir,” Marschall tells RFE/RL. “They resist those plans to be relocated in Kyrgyzstan and don’t want to be framed as people who need help. They value the lives they have in this land.”
“One of the leaders told me ‘I will be the last one to leave the Afghan Pamir,'” Marschall says. “He was expressing his opposition to the resettlement plan. There is opportunity in the relative freedom of being so remote and owning the resources there.”
“This doesn’t mean every leader wants to remain,” Marschall concludes. “It will be a mixed reaction as it was already. Some will see an opportunity to escape conditions that are binding and difficult. That will be more of the poorest elements of the community.”
Scores of young Pamir Kyrgyz in Afghanistan tell RFE/RL they welcome the idea of starting a new life in Kyrgyzstan -- suggesting it is only a few elderly clan members who may want to stay behind.
Many say the lack of access to education is the reason they want to leave. In the Pamir, most children must walk more than an hour to reach a distant schoolhouse on days when they’re not tasked with watching livestock.
Otherwise, they rely on traveling teachers who sporadically visit their yurts.
Habib ul-Rahman, a 22-year-old ethnic Kyrgyz man from the Big Pamir, completed the ninth grade in a yurt and a school house at the entrance to the valley.
He has since left the Big Pamir to try to learn English in Faizabad, the capital of Badakhshan Province.
“We are a minority isolated in the Pamirs and the government does not pay attention to us,” Rahman told RFE/RL. “We do not have access to things from the government there, so we accept resettlement 100 percent.”
“We have contact with those who’ve already gone to Kyrgyzstan,” Rahman explained. “They say they are very happy because they are provided with facilities. They’ve been given a house and land. They go to school. They study.”
“I call on the Afghan government to cooperate with our [moving] to Kyrgyzstan,” he said.
For 28-year-old Rakhmankul to complete his high-school education, he had to move to Badakhshan’s Ishkashim district after finishing ninth grade in the Big Pamir.
He is now in his first year of medical studies in the nursing department of the Badakhshan Institute of Health Sciences in Faizabad.
“We have no particular worries about going to Kyrgyzstan,” Rakhmankul told RFE/RL. “If we go there it will be enough for people not to face economic hardship and receive support until the people can study, get settled, and have houses built for them.”
“But there must be jobs for those who go there,” Rakhmankul says. “Livestock opportunities should be provided for adults who have been engaged in animal husbandry.”
“Our request to the Kyrgyz government is that if they take us, it should be near a city,” he says. “They should not put us in an isolated mountainous place like the Pamirs. The children must be able to study and be educated there.”
Leaving Afghanistan Behind
Habibulla Muhammad-uulu is a former shepherd who moved with his wife and children in 2019 from Badakhshan’s Kichi Pamir settlement to Kyrgyzstan’s Naryn region.
After working three months to obtain Afghan passports for his family, Muhammad-uulu funded their journey by selling his livestock in the Big Pamir valley -- then hiring a taxi to Kabul and taking a flight to Bishkek via Dubai.
“Kichi Pamir is a place of God. It's a good place,” Mohammad-uulu tells RFE/RL. “But it's hard to get supplies there for living. For that you must travel five days on yaks one way to Pakistan and another five days to return. It's very cold out there. Children and women die very often.”
Mohammad-uulu says it was not hard for his family to adjust to life in Kyrgyzstan.
He says there are language differences as his family uses some Dari words while most Kyrgyz use various Russian words. Still, he says they do not have difficulties understanding each other.
Mohammad-uluu says life has changed in a good way for his family.
“It is much easier to get all necessary goods here,” he says. “You don't get sick often. Even if you do, doctors will take care of you anytime. Pamir has a higher altitude. You feel as if you are heavy. You have a headache very often. Your bones, legs, and arms are aching as well.”
“In Pamir, we ate a lot of meat from sheep and ibex,” he continues. “That's what we miss here. Here we have apples, onions, and potatoes. That's what we didn't have back in Pamir. There we only had meat, rice, and bread.”
In the Big Pamir, Mohammad-uulu spent much of his time watching after his own livestock while his wife made traditional yurts.
“We used to have only yaks and sheep,” he said. “Cows cannot resist the cold climate. We only had one horse that we rode for hunting.”
Now Mohammad-uulu’s job is to look after the livestock of a Kyrgyz farmer. He also is paid about $30 a month for doing garden work at a kindergarten.
“I want my kids to build families here,” he says. “It's cheaper to pay a dowry to marry a girl here and very expensive in Pamir.”
He says the Kyrgyz government helped his family by providing their first home and checking on how they were adjusting to their new life.
But he says the main reason he wants to stay in Kyrgyzstan is because his children have easy access to education.
“My children used to read in Arabic in Pamir,” he continues. “Schools in Pamir are separate for girls and boys. Here, they all study together. They also don't study during wintertime in Pamir because it gets very cold.”
But not all of those who’ve relocated in Kyrgyzstan have been so satisfied.
Out of 50 Afghan Pamirs who arrived in Kyrgyzstan’s Naryn region in 2017, 18 went back to Afghanistan by July of 2018.
All had vowed they’d return to Kyrgyzstan, but only one has done so.
Meanwhile, several of 12 Pamir families who initially tried to resettle in the Naryn region have remained dependent on support from Bishkek because they’ve had trouble finding jobs.
Last year, the Kyrgyz government moved 10 of those families to newly built houses in the village of Sary-Mogol in the Osh region.
Written and reported by Ron Synovitz in Prague with reporting by RFE/RL Kyrgyz Service correspondent Beksultan Mambetov in Naryn, and RFE/RL’s Radio Free Afghanistan correspondents Nimatullah Ahmadi in Faizabad and Mustafa Sarwar in Prague.
The Azadi Briefing: Afghanistan Plunged Into Darkness Amid Massive Power Outages
Welcome to The Azadi Briefing, a new RFE/RL newsletter that unpacks the key issues in Afghanistan. To subscribe, click here.
I'm Abubakar Siddique, a senior correspondent at RFE/RL's Radio Azadi. Here's what I've been tracking and what I'm keeping an eye on in the days ahead.
The Key Issue
Large parts of Afghanistan have been plunged into darkness in recent weeks after neighboring Uzbekistan halted electricity exports to the country. The power cuts have hit industries hard and delivered another blow to the country's free-falling economy.
In the capital, Kabul, residents said they receive only one hour of electricity every two days. "Even one hour of electricity helped warm our home," Karima Rahimyar, a teacher in Kabul, told Radio Azadi. She said most Afghans do not have the money to buy coal or wood for heating.
The crippling power outages have coincided with a severe cold snap that has led to the deaths of at least 160 people and the hospitalization of hundreds of others, including children.
Why It's Important: The power cuts have exposed the Taliban-led government's mismanagement of the vital energy sector and highlighted Afghanistan's chronic dependence on electricity imports.
Landlocked Afghanistan imports more than 70 percent of the electricity it needs from Uzbekistan and neighboring Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Iran. But the supply of surplus hydroelectric power from these countries is unreliable. Rising domestic demand and falling production force them to cut the electricity supply to Afghanistan during winters.
The power cuts across Afghanistan began on January 16, when Tashkent halted supplies to Kabul. It went ahead with this despite the Taliban's claims it had reached a new electricity-supply deal with Uzbekistan. Tashkent’s decision to cut exports came amid soaring domestic electricity demand amid a cold snap in Central Asia earlier this month.
One expert tracking the issue said that even with financial penalties for noncompliance, Afghanistan's electricity suppliers would likely "not choose to cut off its own citizens" from power in order to meet its commitments to Kabul.
The Taliban appears to be paying for its past crimes. The militant group attacked vital infrastructure during its nearly 20-year insurgency and prevented the completion of ambitious power generation projects.
What's Next: In a positive sign, Uzbekistan resumed electricity exports to Afghanistan on January 25. This week, Turkmenistan also renewed an annual electricity supply agreement with the Taliban.
But the Taliban's unrecognized and internationally isolated government is unlikely to remedy Afghanistan's chronic energy crisis. It is doubtful the Taliban can attract donor funding and the technical support needed to complete existing hydroelectric projects or build new ones that could substantially boost domestic electricity production.
The Week's Best Stories
- Dozens of ethnic Kyrgyz families have sold their homes and livestock in Afghanistan's remote Wakhan Corridor and are seeking help from Kyrgyzstan to repatriate them to their ancestral homeland. The Kyrgyz government has said it is committed to repatriating the ethnic Kyrgyz, but there are many hurdles to facilitate their return. In video statements sent to RFE/RL's Kyrgyz Service, ethnic Kyrgyz families said they are staying in rented homes near the Tajik border as they wait for Bishkek to help them relocate to Kyrgyzstan.
- For years the Taliban promised a more moderate and inclusive government once foreign forces left Afghanistan. But the rule of the hard-line Islamist group's supreme leader, Mullah Haibatullah Akhundzada, has been defined by extremist policies that have alienated Afghans and isolated the Taliban's unrecognized government internationally. Michael Semple, a former EU and UN adviser to Afghanistan, told RFE/RL that resistance to Akhundzada's uncompromising approach could unleash another destructive civil war or even spill over Afghanistan's borders.
What To Keep An Eye On
In recent weeks, several international NGOs have resumed some of their lifesaving aid operations in Afghanistan. The move came after the Taliban allowed women working for local and foreign NGOs to restart work, although only in the health-care sector.
These aid agencies returned as senior United Nations officials continued to lobby the Taliban to rescind its ban on Afghan women working for NGOs.
UN Deputy Secretary-General Amina Mohammed said she pushed "pretty hard" on women's issues during a visit last week to Afghanistan and sometimes "the reaction wasn't pleasant." UN officials hope more humanitarian sectors, including emergency food distribution and education, will be reopened for female workers.
Why It's Important: As Afghanistan grapples with one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world, the resumption of some humanitarian aid operations is a positive sign.
But the Taliban's reluctance to allow many female Afghan aid workers to resume work severely impedes the humanitarian aid community's ability to provide lifesaving support to Afghans.
The UN estimates that nearly two-thirds, or 28 million Afghans, out of an estimated population of 40 million need humanitarian aid. Among them, more than 6 million are on the brink of starvation.
That's all from me for now. Don't forget to send me any questions, comments, or tips that you have.
Until next time,
If you enjoyed this briefing and don't want to miss the next edition, subscribe here. It will be sent to your inbox every Friday.
'I'm Sitting Here Praying To God': Deadly Cold Sends Afghanistan's Humanitarian Crisis To A New Low
Sharafuddin stands on the side of a road in Afghanistan’s western city of Herat, fighting off his pangs of hunger with sheer determination to score enough work or food to get his family through another day.
It was already an exhaustive daily ritual amid the relentless economic and humanitarian crises that have besieged Afghanistan, but a deadly cold snap has left the 35-year-old father of three praying for survival.
"During the cold nights, we are awake with our children and cannot sleep," the Herat resident says as he tries to warm his hands with his breath. "It is already midday, and I have neither had breakfast nor drank tea. Since the morning I have only earned 20 afghanis ($0.22) and I’m sitting here praying to God."
The severe cold that arrived on January 10 has been brutal, worse than any winter that locals in the city can recall, and has compounded the difficulties faced by Afghans around the country.
In just over two weeks, at least 158 people and well over 70,000 farm animals have succumbed to the unprecedentedly low temperatures, according to the Taliban government, and officials are bracing for a higher death toll as remote areas dig out from heavy snowfall.
The central province of Ghor has experienced the lowest temperatures, with Afghanistan's Meteorological Department saying the thermometer dipped to minus 34 degrees Celsius.
Deaths have been reported in 24 of Afghanistan's 34 provinces, Abdul Rahman Zahid, a director with the Taliban's State Affairs Ministry, said in a video message to RFE/RL's Radio Azadi on January 25.
Electricity outages in many areas, including the capital, Kabul, have compounded the problem, while soaring prices for coal, firewood, and other fuels have left many Afghans with no heat. As many as 5,000 children have been hospitalized in the past week alone, according to the Taliban’s Health Ministry.
Temperatures are expected to warm in the coming weeks, but the situation has prompted Zahid to call on the United Nations and donor countries to provide more humanitarian aid to help vulnerable Afghans.
'To Eat Or To Buy Heat'
The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) projected this week that 28.3 million people will require humanitarian assistance this year.
Even before the Taliban seized power in 2021, Afghans were struggling from the effects of successive droughts and other natural disasters, as well as insecurity that pushed many from their homes and onto the streets or to crowded refugee settlements where they were at greater risk of contracting diseases.
Under Taliban rule, the country has faced even more challenges, including earthquakes, floods, drought, and rising unemployment and prices. The militant group, isolated and unrecognized by the global community due to its human rights abuses, has also had to deal with the loss or disruption of much of the international aid that Afghanistan depended on.
Aid organizations were bracing for the worst even before winter arrived, with the International Red Cross (ICRC) underscoring the troubling trend of rising disease and hunger among children.
"Afghan families face an impossible choice: to eat or to buy heat," ICRC director of operations Martin Schuepp said during a visit to Afghanistan in November. "And, really, they can’t afford either, resulting in a frightening rise in malnutrition and pneumonia cases."
The ICRC at the time described the humanitarian situation in Afghanistan as "alarming," predicting that 24 million Afghans -- more than half the population -- would require humanitarian assistance and estimating that 20 million were "acutely food insecure."
Saying that "aid organizations can’t answer all the overwhelming cries for help," Scheupp called on states and development agencies to return to Afghanistan to help.
But the distribution of aid has since become even more complicated, after the Taliban decided in December to bar women from working for local and international NGOs.
Following her visit to Kabul the same month, UN Women Executive Director Sima Bahous said that, by barring women from contributing to aid organizations, "the Taliban has in effect suspended aid for half the population of Afghanistan."
Last week, a top delegation of UN women officials met with the Taliban's leadership and pleaded with the government to "put the good of the country first."
Help cannot come quickly enough for Afghans like Khair Mohammad, a resident of Herat who told Radio Azadi that he is struggling to provide for his family.
"Every day we face this cold weather, but there is no work," the 48-year-old father of six said. "There is nothing left to eat. Rice and flour for one night and no more. In this cold weather, life is very difficult."
UN Food Agency Warns That Afghan Malnutrition Rates Have Reached A Record High
Malnutrition rates in Afghanistan are at record highs, with half the country enduring severe hunger throughout the year, a spokesman for the World Food Program said on January 26. The Taliban takeover in August 2021 drove millions into poverty and hunger after foreign aid stopped almost overnight. "Half of Afghanistan endures severe hunger throughout the year, regardless of the season, and malnutrition rates are at a record high for Afghanistan," said Phillipe Kropf, a spokesman for the UN food agency in Kabul. "There are 7 million children and mothers who are malnourished." To read the original story by AP, click here.
Charge Dropped Against Afghan Soldier Seeking Asylum In U.S.
Federal prosecutors have dropped an immigration charge against an Afghan soldier seeking asylum in the United States who was arrested months ago trying to cross the Mexico border after he fled Taliban rule. Abdul Wasi Safi remains in custody at a federal detention center in Eden, Texas, but the end of his criminal case means he will likely be released while his asylum claim is reviewed, an immigration attorney said on January 25. Wasi Safi fled Afghanistan following the withdrawal of U.S. forces in August 2021, fearing reprisals from the Taliban. To read the original story by AP, click here.
UN Pushes Taliban For More Clarity On Women Aid Workers
The United Nations aid chief, Martin Griffiths, said on January 25 that he had urged the Taliban authorities to offer more clarity on humanitarian sectors that could be reopened for Afghan women workers, warning that a "famine was looming" as the country faces a harsh winter. Afghanistan is confronting one of the world's worst humanitarian crises, aid agencies say, with more than half of its 38 million population facing hunger and nearly 4 million children suffering from malnutrition. The crisis was compounded when Taliban leadership banned Afghan women from working with NGOs, forcing several aid agencies to suspend their vital work.
Death Toll From Cold Spell In Afghanistan Rises To More Than 120
The death toll caused by a severe cold spell in Afghanistan has increased, claiming more than 120 lives in the past two weeks, an official said late on January 23. Shafiullah Rahimi, spokesman of the country’s National Disaster Management Authority, told dpa that more than 50 houses have been completely or partially destroyed and 70,000 animals have also perished. Respiratory diseases, mainly among children, increase annually during the cold season but this winter has been unprecedentedly cold, and more Afghans are suffering economically. According to Afghanistan's Meteorological Department, the lowest temperature recorded in January was as cold as -34 degrees Celsius (-29.2 Fahrenheit) in the central province of Ghor.
Afghanistan's Ethnic Kyrgyz Want To Escape The Taliban, But It's No Easy Task
Dozens of ethnic Kyrgyz from Afghanistan's remote Wakhan Corridor are calling on the government in Bishkek to repatriate them to their ancestral homeland so their children can get the education that the Taliban has denied them.
In video statements sent to RFE/RL's Kyrgyz Service, the families say they are staying in rented homes near the Tajik border in the Ishkashim district of Afghanistan's northeastern Badakhshan Province as they wait for Bishkek to help them relocate to Kyrgyzstan.
One of the men said they had recently left their homes in Big Pamir and Little Pamir in the Wakhan Corridor -- the most remote parts of Badakhshan and home to at least 1,500 ethnic Kyrgyz, also known as the Pamir Kyrgyz.
"We sold all our belongings and livestock and moved here. We can't return to Pamir anymore," said Muhammad Abdulzhapar-uulu. "We're living here with this hope that our fellow Kyrgyz [in Kyrgyzstan] will find us and take us out of here."
Sitting next to his wife and their three young children, Abdulzhapar-uulu said the couple's fourth child, a girl, had recently died due to the extreme cold.
Kyrgyz officials say they are aware that nearly 90 ethnic Kyrgyz are waiting for Bishkek to facilitate their repatriation. Bishkek has said it's committed to repatriate all ethnic Kyrgyz from Afghanistan.
But the Kyrgyz Afghans' lack of passports and other logistical hurdles were making it difficult for the Kyrgyz government to arrange their return, the officials said.
The Taliban-led government in Afghanistan halted the issuance of passports in October 2022, citing "technical problems" and leaving many desperate Afghan citizens unable to travel abroad.
"There are 88 ethnic Kyrgyz in [the Badakhshan provincial capital of] Faizabad who can't get passports to come here," Kyrgyz parliamentary deputy Cholpon Sultanbekova told RFE/RL's Kyrgyz Service. "As soon as we received appeals from our fellow Kyrgyz, we contacted the relevant Kyrgyz government agencies about it. We also sought financial aid to help the ethnic Kyrgyz there and are waiting for the government's decision.".
Kyrgyzstan's Foreign Ministry hasn't yet publicly commented on what measures it was planning to help the ethnic Kyrgyz stranded in Ishkashim. The Kyrgyz government relocated 50 Pamir Kyrgyz in 2017 and another 50 in 2019 from Afghanistan for permanent resettlement in Kyrgyzstan.
The returnees have been given homes, access to education and health care, and assistance in finding jobs. As part of a government program for repatriation of ethnic Kyrgyz from abroad, they have also been granted an expedited citizenship procedure.
Those repatriated in 2017 and 2019 have resettled in the eastern Naryn and southern Osh provinces, respectively. Despite the government's help, however, some of the returnees ended up going back to Afghanistan, saying they found it difficult to adapt to the way of life in Kyrgyzstan.
But that was before the hard-line Taliban came to power in Afghanistan. Now, the Pamir Kyrgyz are pleading with the Kyrgyz government, saying that they fear for the future of their children, especially their education.
The Taliban-led government has banned girls' education after primary school. And with international aid dwindling since the Taliban takeover, the country is also facing severe economic hardship.
In a video statement, one Pamir Kyrgyz man, Mazhyraiym Abdulzhalil-uulu, said that not only his teenage daughter, but his two sons were left out of school, as the Taliban closed down some of the boys' schools, too. "I bear responsibility for my children to receive an education. Therefore, I would like to relocate to Kyrgyzstan. I want my daughter to receive an education, so please take us out of here," he said. "If I die here, my children will be left uneducated."
Abdulzhalil-uulu said that in Afghanistan he had his own house and relatively comfortable life, but that his family wanted to leave Kyrgyzstan for good to be with their "own people."
In mid-July 2021, a month before the fall of the Western-backed government in Kabul, 345 Pamir Kyrgyz fled to neighboring Tajikistan as the Taliban advanced toward the north and northeast of Afghanistan.
Kyrgyzstan quickly announced that it was ready to accept the refugees. But Dushanbe sent them back to Afghanistan, saying the Afghan government had guaranteed their safety. The government, however, collapsed the following month.
As the Taliban returned to power, Kyrgyzstan reiterated its commitment to repatriate the ethnic Kyrgyz from Afghanistan.
In September 2021, Kyrgyz President Sadyr Japarov officially launched the construction of a new residential area for the Pamir Kyrgyz in Osh's Chon-Alai district. The government allocated 30 hectares to build up to 400 residential homes in the area. The project also included various social centers, medical facilities, and a school for 275 children.
Japarov has said he wants to repatriate all ethnic Kyrgyz from Afghanistan to their ancestral home.
In July 2022, the Kyrgyz government said it was setting aside nearly $3 million to return and resettle the Pamir Kyrgyz within the following two years.
Ethnic Kyrgyz have lived in the Wakhan Corridor as far back as the 15th or 16th century, with nomadic Kyrgyz herders using the area to graze their livestock in warmer seasons, according to historians.
Hundreds Protest In Afghan City Against Koran Burning In Sweden
Hundreds of Afghan men staged a protest in the eastern city of Khost on January 24 to express anger at the burning of the Koran in the Swedish capital over the weekend. Swedish-Danish far-right politician Rasmus Paludan on January 21 set fire to a copy of the Muslim holy book in front of Turkey's embassy in Stockholm. Protests have been held since then in some Muslim countries, and on January 24 crowds of Afghan men condemned the incident in Khost, a city bordering Pakistan. "Death to the Swedish government, death to such politicians," protesters chanted on the city's main square, an AFP correspondent reported.
UN Aid Chief Raises Women's Rights Concerns With Taliban In Afghan Capital
The United Nations' aid chief visited Kabul on January 23 and raised concerns over women's education and work with the Taliban administration's acting minister of foreign affairs, an Afghan ministry statement said. The Taliban-run administration last month ordered NGOs not to allow most female employees to work, prompting many aid agencies to partially suspend operations in the midst of a humanitarian crisis unfolding during a bitterly cold winter. UN Undersecretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs Martin Griffiths raised the issue of women's education and work and how this affected the UN's operations, according to the ministry statement. To read the original story by Reuters, click here.
Taliban Leader's Dominance Results In Increased Oppression, Isolation
Few Taliban members can reach him, and even fewer Afghans have seen him. He refuses to meet foreigners, including the most distinguished religious scholars from the Muslim world.
Despite the Taliban's promises of moderation upon seizing power in August 2021, its man behind the curtain, supreme leader Mullah Haibatullah Akhundzada, has dominated decision-making as the hard-line Islamist group continues to restore many of the draconian policies it was infamous for when it ruled Afghanistan from 1996 to 2001.
And while there has been some consistent backlash within the Taliban's ranks, Akhundzada has cemented himself as the final say in virtually all matters by micromanaging the Taliban government and decreeing policies that deprive Afghans of fundamental rights.
Pure Islamic System
In his attempt to create what he sees as a "pure" Islamic system, experts say, Akhundzada has alienated Afghans and the outside world and is steering the Taliban and the country he rules down a destructive path.
Michael Semple, a former European Union and UN adviser to Afghanistan, says that resistance to Akhundzada's uncompromising approach could unleash another destructive civil war or even spill over Afghanistan's borders.
"Haibatullah's insistence on pushing through the radical program increases the likelihood of a new round of conflict," Semple told RFE/RL.
Upon returning to power, the Taliban claimed it had put an end to more than four decades of fighting in Afghanistan that began with a communist coup in 1978. The group's leaders have pointed to the relatively low levels of violence recorded since it took over the government as evidence that war in the country was over.
But more than 16 months of Taliban rule under Akhundzada's leadership has poured cold water on the hopes of Afghans and the international community for peace and stability.
Semple says the Taliban's political office in the Qatari capital, Doha, which negotiated the February 2020 agreement with the United States that was to pave the way for a cease-fire with the previous government ahead of the withdrawal of foreign forces, was essentially a public relations stunt. While the Taliban's diplomats in Doha talked about a peaceful transition of power and a broad-based government, they never had true authority.
"We can now safely say that this was never the policy of the Islamic Emirate and these diplomats never had the power within the movement to push through these ideas ... even if they personally thought it was a good idea," Semple said, referring to the Taliban by its formal name.
Semple attributes Akhundzada's success in exercising his power in part to the reality that Taliban leaders and foot soldiers obey his commands as a religious obligation.
Akhundzada, 56, is formally titled the "commander of the faithful." The Taliban also refers to him as the "sheikh" in a nod to his title of Sheikh al-Hadith, which denotes his status as an eminent scholar of the Prophet Muhammad's sayings.
Semple says that Akhundzada's loyal followers want to establish their extreme vision of Islamic rule at all costs, regardless of the consequences.
"The Taliban is an armed Islamist revolutionary movement, long committed to establishing their version of an Islamic state and society by force of arms," he said.
Sami Yousafzai, a veteran Afghan journalist and commentator who has tracked the Taliban since its emergence in the 1990s, says that following the Taliban takeover in August 2021, Akhundzada kept his distance from the group's caretaker government in Kabul by choosing to stay in the southern Afghan city of Kandahar.
Yousafzai says that in recent months Akhundzada has tightened his grip on power by appointing loyalists to key government positions and has even established his own administrative secretariat in Kandahar.
"Akhundzada is running a parallel governance system from Kandahar and has gradually concentrated all the power in his hands," Yousafzai said, adding that every ministry or governmental department now has at least one Akhundzada loyalist working for it.
"Everyone in that ministry knows that he reports to the big boss," Yousafzai said.
Yousafzai says that Akhundzada has surrounded himself with like-minded advisers who echo his thinking on religious and temporal matters. In recent months the supreme leader has also formed provincial clerical councils to supervise the Taliban administration in most provinces.
Akhundzada has also appointed prominent loyalists Mawlawi Habibullah Agha and Mawlawi Nida Mohammad Nadim as the ministers of education and higher education, respectively, two key enforcers of the Taliban's recent ban on women's education. The Taliban's chief justice, Abdul Hakim Haqqani, and Mohammad Khalid Haqqani, the head of the Ministry for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice, are other vital confidants.
Akhundzada’s religious credentials raise questions as to whether he could become more extreme.
In an interview this week, Shahabuddin Delawar, the Taliban's minister for mining, revealed that Akhundzada approved of his son carrying out a suicide bombing after his father was selected as the leader of the group in 2016.
He has also taken a defiant stance against outside criticism.
"You are welcome to use even the atomic bomb against us because nothing can scare us into taking any step against Islam or Shari'a," Akhundzada told a gathering in Kabul in July.
Semple, now a Queen's University Belfast professor, says Akhundzada has increasingly exercised his authority over the past few months.
Akhundzada added to the Taliban's long list of restrictions by banning women both from attending university and working for domestic and international nongovernmental organizations. He also ordered the Taliban's judiciary to implement Islamic corporal punishments collectively called hudood, which prescribes flogging for drinking, amputation of limbs for theft, and stoning for adultery.
Such policies, Semple says, have alienated a growing cross-section of Afghan society. The Taliban's bans on women pursuing higher education and work, along with severe restrictions on mobility and how they can appear publicly, have taken away fundamental rights. Many men, in turn, have lost their livelihoods amid the economic downturn triggered by the Taliban's return to power. And ethnic and religious minorities have decried being marginalized by the Islamist government.
"The Taliban's recent revolutionary enthusiasm is alienating Afghan society almost as thoroughly as did the Afghan communists in 1978 and 1979," Semple said.
After seizing power in a bloody military coup in April 1978, the ruling Khalq faction of the Afghan communists embarked on a revolutionary program to remake Afghan society. The move quickly provoked a rebellion in the conservative countryside that dramatically expanded after the Soviet invasion in December 1979, which installed the Parcham faction of Afghan communists in power.
Semple says that under Haibatullah's leadership, the Taliban is also cultivating new conflicts with important neighbors. He says that longtime Taliban ally Pakistan is furious about the sanctuary the Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan (TTP), which is engaged in fighting against the government in Pakistan, enjoys in Afghanistan. Iran, meanwhile, has expressed concerns about the activities of Sunni Baluch militants active in the southeastern province of Sistan and Baluchistan.
Semple says that many Muslim countries are alarmed that Taliban interpretations are giving Islam a bad name. Western donors, he says, are worried about restrictions on aid operations, women's issues, and terrorism. Highlighting the seriousness of the situation, many nongovernmental organizations suspended their operations in Afghanistan last month after the Taliban ordered them to stop employing Afghan women.
"Even countries which found it expedient to engage with the Taliban diplomatically rather than risking another round of civil war are finding it impossible or unpalatable to sustain that engagement," he said.
China, Russia, and two of Afghanistan's Central Asian neighbors, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, have consistently attempted to improve cooperation with Kabul. But the Taliban's draconian policies have kept them away from formally recognizing its government.
Akhundzada's extremism has also provoked consistent criticism within the Taliban ranks, including from Taliban Deputy Foreign Minister Sher Mohammad Abbas Stanikzai, a top negotiator in Doha, who has opposed Akhundzada's ban on women's education.
"You are only obliged to follow the orders in line with Shari'a Islamic law," he told a Taliban gathering earlier this month.
But while Akhundzada has steadily exerted his will, those who do put up some opposition to his policies are inconsistent and passive, according to Kabul-based academic Obaidullah Baheer.
And that "is hurting all of us," Baheer said.
The Azadi Briefing: Former Woman Lawmaker Slain In Kabul; Afghans Endure Brutal Cold Snap
Welcome to The Azadi Briefing, a new RFE/RL newsletter that unpacks the key issues in Afghanistan. To subscribe, click here.
I'm Mustafa Sarwar, a senior news editor at RFE/RL's Radio Azadi. Here's what I've been tracking and what I'm keeping an eye on in the days ahead.
The Key Issue
Mursal Nabizadah, a 32-year-old female lawmaker who served in the previous Afghan government, was shot dead by unidentified assailants in her home in the capital in the early hours of January 15. Kabul police said that one of Nabizadah's bodyguards was also killed in the attack and her brother was wounded. The motive behind the shooting at Nabizadah's home in the city's Khushal Khan Mena district remains unclear, and no group has claimed responsibility.
In 2019, Nabizadah was elected to represent Kabul in the National Assembly, and served on the parliamentary Defense Committee. She was a critic of the Taliban and was reportedly working for a private NGO.
Why It's Important: Nabizadah's slaying marks the first time a former lawmaker from the previous government has been killed in Afghanistan since the Taliban seized power in August 2021. She was one of the few former lawmakers to remain in the country after the takeover, and her death puts a spotlight both on the hard-line Islamist group's difficulties in maintaining security and the dangers faced by women under Taliban rule.
Upon taking power, the Taliban extended an amnesty and offered security guarantees to Afghans who had worked with or for the former government, but the risk for those who chose to stay behind -- particularly for women involved in government -- is immense. Scores of women politicians told RFE/RL's Radio Azadi that they were shocked by Nabizadah's killing.
The deadly incident also drew widespread international condemnation. "She was killed in darkness, but the Taliban build their system of gender apartheid in full daylight," European Parliament representative Hannah Neumann said in response to the attack. The U.S. charge d'affaires for Afghanistan, Karen Decker, tweeted that she was "angered, heartbroken by [the] murder of Mursal Nabizada," calling it a tragic loss. "Hold the perpetrators accountable!" she wrote.
What's Next: Nabizadah was known for criticizing the Taliban's ban against women's work and education, and the silencing of such a prominent voice sends a clear warning to other women who continue to lobby for more rights in the face of increasingly repressive policies.
Some female politicians told Radio Azadi that they believe the Taliban, whose government has struggled to maintain security amid a wave of terrorist attacks, is incapable of preventing such targeted strikes in the future. While the Islamic State-Khorasan extremist group has claimed responsibility for many high-profile attacks, the silence that has followed Nabizadeh's killing has added to the concerns of protesting women.
What To Keep An Eye On
The extreme cold of this year's winter in Afghanistan has added to humanitarian concerns in the country. The Taliban-run government has said that at least 78 people and more than 77,000 livestock died in eight provinces in the course of a week due to temperatures that fell to as low as minus 28 degrees Celsius.
Caroline Gluck, the UNHCR spokeswoman in Afghanistan, told Radio Azadi on January 17 that "it became so cold that many had to dig holes in the ground to escape the cold and sleep there at night to stay warm."
Even before the cold snap, many Afghans had expressed concerns that they could not afford to buy coal and other fuel to keep their families warm. Jalil, a father of three and a Kabul resident, said this week that "1 ton of coal used to be 13,000 [afghanis -- about $146], is now 17,000 [about $191], " and that the cost of natural gas and staples such as rice have all risen sharply.
Why It's Important: The icy weather has further deteriorated living conditions for millions of Afghans who have already been hard-hit by food shortages and ever-increasing poverty and unemployment under Taliban rule. Contributing to the problem is the Taliban's recent decision to ban women from working for nongovernmental organizations, hampering their ability to assist ordinary citizens by delivering aid.
The United Nations has pledged more assistance, but observers have expressed doubt that it will be enough to cover the needs of people in hard-hit areas across Afghanistan. The brutal cold snap has only added to the challenges, with death tolls expected to rise as the situation in remote villages cut off by heavy snow becomes clear.
That's all from me for now. Remember to send me any questions, comments, or tips.
Until next time,
If you enjoyed this briefing and don't want to miss the next edition, subscribe here. It will be sent to your inbox every Friday.
UN's Top Woman In Afghanistan For Talks On Taliban Crackdown
The highest-ranking woman in the UN arrived in Kabul on January 17 at the head of a delegation promoting the rights of women and girls, a response to the recent crackdown by Afghanistan's Taliban rulers. Deputy Secretary-General Amina Mohammed, a former Nigerian cabinet minister and a Muslim, was joined by Sima Bahous, executive director of UN Women, and Assistant Secretary-General for political affairs Khaled Khiari, UN deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said. Haq said he could not disclose their schedule for security reasons. To read the original story by AP, click here.
Afghan Taliban Lashes Nine Convicted Prisoners In Public
Nine convicted prisoners were publicly lashed on January 17 in Afghanistan’s southern province of Kandahar for alleged homosexuality and theft. In a statement, the Taliban’s Supreme Court said the punishment was carried out at the Ahmad Shahi sports stadium. Local authorities and Kandahar residents were in attendance during the lashing. The spokesman for the provincial governor, Haji Zaid, said the convicts were lashed 35-39 times. Despite international condemnation, the Taliban has resumed the flogging and the public execution of criminals following a decree by the hard-liners' supreme leader.
Aid Groups Begin Return To Afghanistan Amid Assurances For Female Workers
Several international groups say they are returning to Afghanistan -- mired in one of the planet's worst humanitarian crises -- to administer aid after receiving assurances from Taliban officials that female workers would be allowed to carry out their duties.
CARE, Save the Children, and the International Rescue Committee (IRC) said they were returning to the country after suspending operations late last year after the Taliban authorities sharply curtailed women's rights, effectively banning women from working for NGOs operating in Afghanistan.
"CARE will be resuming its health and nutrition operations in Afghanistan after obtaining the necessary assurances from the Ministry of Public Health that our female staff will be able to carry out their work safely and unfettered, both in community-based and support roles," the organization, which focuses on working alongside women and girls to lift them out of poverty, said in a statement.
CARE, which has been working in Afghanistan since 1961 and operates 30 Mobile Health Teams in seven provinces, said it is "hopeful that the ban will be reversed, but in the meantime [we] will continue to look for ways to move forward that will allow both female and male workers to provide life-saving work –especially to Afghan women and girls – in all sectors."
Despite pledging to back away from the brutal rule it employed during its first stint in power from 1996-2001, the Taliban has moved to restrict freedoms for women since retaking control of the country in August 2021 as international troops withdrew.
Most recently, Taliban authorities on December 20 ordered public and private universities to close their doors to women immediately until further notice.
A few days later the country's rulers ordered all domestic and international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to prevent female employees from working at their jobs.
Save The Children said earlier this week it was restarting some of its activities "where reliable assurances had been given for a full and safe return to work for its female staff."
The IRC said last week that it had restarted health and nutrition services in four provinces and was in talks with officials to return to more areas of the country "while also engaging to secure the assurances required to allow our female staff to safely return to work in other sectors."
Female Former Afghan Lawmaker Found Shot Dead At Kabul Home
A former female member of Afghanistan’s now disbanded lower house of parliament has been shot dead during a break-in at her home in the Afghan capital, Taliban officials have confirmed.
Mursal Nabidzadah was shot dead along with a bodyguard when gunmen broke into her house in the Ahmad Shah Baba area of Kabul on January 15, Khalid Zadran, a Taliban spokesman for the Kabul police said. He added that Nadidzadah’s brother was injured in the incident.
No further details were immediately available. No one has yet claimed responsibility for the attack.
The killing has sparked international condemnation, including from Hannah Neumann, a German member of the Greens/EFA faction in the European Parliament.
"She was killed in darkness, but the Taliban build their system of gender apartheid in full daylight," Neumann wrote on Twitter.
Since returning to power in August 2021, the Taliban has taken a hard line, crushing women’s rights.
In the latest move, the Taliban on December 24 banned women from working for aid groups. It followed a ban imposed earlier that month on women attending universities. Girls were stopped from attending high school in March.
On January 13, the United States pushed the UN Security Council to adopt a resolution calling on the Taliban-led authorities in Afghanistan to reverse those bans on women.
The 15-member council met privately at the request of the United Arab Emirates and Japan to discuss the issue, Reuters reported.
The United Nations estimates that 85 percent of NGOs in Afghanistan have partially or fully shut down operations because of the ban, which is the Taliban's latest step to drive women from public life.
Earlier this week, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation -- an intergovernmental group consisting of all Muslim-majority countries -- rejected the Taliban's claim that its treatment of Afghan women and girls is in line with Islam's Shari'a law.
With reporting by AP and Reuters
Pashtuns Rally For Peace In The Face Of A Renewed Offensive Against The Pakistani Taliban
Sahib Khan, a political activist, is one of the organizers of a recent sit-in protest in Wana, a remote town near Pakistan's western border with Afghanistan.
Khan describes the weeklong demonstration that ended on January 12 as a "people's uprising" to show authorities that they will never accept a return to the violence and lawlessness that engulfed the region when it was allowed to fall under the control of various Pakistani Taliban factions.
Expectations are running high that the government, which has failed in its recent efforts to strike a lasting truce with Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan (TTP), also known as the Pakistani Taliban, will again rely on the weight of its military to counter the resurgent force it has been fighting since 2007.
But Khan and other protesters are hoping their efforts can stave off another round of devastation and secret dealings, and are demanding that Islamabad instead ensure the region's long-term security by strengthening the police and giving the local government more leeway to act.
In a sign that the effort did not fall on deaf ears, the sit-in ended with the government accepting the protesters' demands.
No Military Operations
Following Islamabad's secret negotiations last year with the hard-line insurgents, many TTP fighters who had sought refuge in neighboring Afghanistan for years returned to the region. Optimism that a peace deal could work out was crushed.
Mediation by the Afghan Taliban, which seized Kabul in August 2021 and was considered an ally of Islamabad, failed. Despite its close personal and ideological ties to the TTP, the Afghan Taliban failed to convince them to renounce violence. Thus, the past year saw a dramatic rise in attacks on security forces, kidnappings, assassinations, and extortion in places like Wana.
Residents accuse the government of reopening the door to the TTP and embarking on a failed policy of engagement and take the militants' presence as a dire reminder of life under their thumb.
Locals blame previous government moves for putting them in that position in the first place, saying Islamabad practically handed Wana to a Taliban faction courtesy of an agreement worked out to end fighting with the group in 2007.
As a result, they say, they were subjected to every imaginable atrocity at the hands of the militants, until they were pushed out by a local protest in 2018.
"We are concerned that violence here will increase to such a level that we will forget what we endured before," says Khan.
He was alluding to the mountainous region's recent troubled history that began in 2003 when violence erupted in Wana, today the administrative headquarters of the Lower South Waziristan district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province.
Over the course of the next decade, the violence gradually extended to other parts of South Waziristan and the adjacent district of North Waziristan. Only in 2014, when the military finally succeeded in pushing the group out, did some sense of normalcy resume, but it came at a great cost. More than 1.5 million Waziristan residents were displaced as a result of the fighting, and thousands were killed when they were caught up in the cross-fire.
The sit-in in Wana is not the only "people's uprising" against a return to such a situation. Similar protests have taken place across Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province, where Pashtuns make up a majority of the region's estimated 35 million residents.
Since 2018, grassroots activists from the province have attempted to rewrite history by turning their homeland into a battleground for peace and civil rights instead of war. They have attempted to counter the narrative that Pashtuns are prone to join extremist organizations such as the TTP out of religious and tribal kinship, and instead blame underdevelopment, isolation, and Islamabad's security policies as the reason the predominantly Pashtun region came to be considered a breeding ground for jihadists.
These popular uprisings began in the northern alpine districts of Swat and Dir in the summer. The region's residents were terrorized by hundreds of TTP fighters who returned because of the secret deal with the Pakistani government.
In the following months, Islamabad's talks with the TTP stalled. But the group's fighters continued to pour into areas of northwest Pakistan.
Rather than drop their weapons, they quickly began attacking security forces, with the poorly trained and lightly armed police emerging as a favorite target. In addition to carrying out hundreds of fresh attacks, the militants have also been accused of extorting businesses, wealthy individuals, and politicians.
According to the Pakistan Institute for Peace Studies, a think tank in Islamabad, some 419 people were killed and another 732 injured in more than 260 terrorist attacks carried out by the TTP in 2022, a 25 percent increase over the previous year.
In many cases, TTP's attacks on local security forces in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province would be followed quickly by a people's uprising uniting members of various political parties, traders, and concerned residents.
For many Pashtuns, the sit-ins are seen as the only way to prevent the carnage of another large-scale fight between government forces and militants in the region. Pashtun leaders say they have paid a hefty price in Pakistan's war on terrorism.
Islamabad allied with Washington after the invasion of Afghanistan following the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the United States in 2001 but failed to prevent the Afghan Taliban and its Al-Qaeda allies who carried out the attacks from carving out a sanctuary in Pakistan.
In 2003, Islamabad launched a series of massive military operations in what was then known as the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) -- which were merged into Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in 2018 -- and eventually to the Swat district.
Over the next 11 years, more than 6 million Pashtuns were displaced. Pashtuns accounted for the lion's share of the more than 80,000 civilians and security forces Pakistani officials claim to have lost as a result of terrorist attacks and military offensives.
In the past, Islamabad's large-scale military operations adopted a scorched-earth approach using airpower, long-range artillery, tanks, and infantry maneuvers.
At the same time, according to Manzoor Pashteen, the leader of the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM) civil rights campaign, there is no justification for the TTP's violence.
"If they [the TTP] are fighting against infidels, then why are they killing our Islamic clerics?" he asked.
He says that to avoid the fallout from a renewed conflict in their homeland, Pashtuns are ready to "work very hard and make sacrifices for peace."
While the majority of Pashtuns do not want to see a return of the TTP, they also fear a heavy-handed approach, and many accuse the government of having ulterior motives.
Islamabad's Changing Outlook
The TTP's increasingly violent campaign appears to have put Islamabad in a hawkish mindset after months of talking about the prospect of peace. Discussions between civil and military leaders last week resulted in the government indicating it would soon undertake a military operation against the TTP.
The National Security Committee said that the threat of terrorism would "be dealt with the full force of the state" because "Pakistan's security is uncompromisable."
But Pashtun leaders are not convinced. Some accuse Islamabad of deliberately fomenting instability in their homeland to attract Western funding for counterterrorism operations, and others accuse the government of bowing to pressure by the Taliban in Afghanistan to allow TTP fighters to return.
Former Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan recently revealed the thinking of his government, which ended with a no-confidence vote in April. He told a summit on terrorism in Islamabad on January 10 that he ultimately planned to bring back 5,000 TTP fighters and more than 35,000 of their family members from Afghanistan, where they have been sheltering since the military push in 2014.
He said the Taliban's seizure of power in Afghanistan in August 2021 provided Pakistan with a "golden opportunity" to reconcile with the TTP.
That opportunity fizzled when the TTP demanded that Islamabad hand over some eight districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa that were formerly part of FATA.
Afrasiab Khattak, a former lawmaker, said Pashtuns in Pakistan had learned their lessons from their experiences over the past four decades.
He says that since the early 1980s, the various phases of the war in Afghanistan as well as in Pakistan's domestic war on terrorism left Pashtun society, economy, and way of life in ruins.
"They refuse to be used as cannon fodder," he said of the emerging grassroots efforts led by young leaders and activists, adding that they have realized that their calls for peace "present the most serious challenge to the Taliban and their Pakistani handlers."
An Afghan Factory Offers Hope Amid Power Outages, Joblessness
Wire spools turn in a factory in Paktia Province, Afghanistan, where youthful workers produce cabling needed for electrical devices -- but face electricity outages themselves. Workers and managers hope for investors to expand opportunity, but the World Bank forecasts a dramatically challenged Afghan economy, largely cut off from foreign aid since the Taliban takeover in 2021.
The Azadi Briefing: Islamic State-Khorasan Strikes At The Heart Of The Taliban Government
Welcome to The Azadi Briefing, a new RFE/RL newsletter that unpacks the key issues in Afghanistan. To subscribe, click here.
I'm Abubakar Siddique, a senior correspondent with RFE/RL's Radio Azadi. Here's what I've been tracking and what I'm keeping an eye on in the days ahead.
The Key Issue
The Islamic State-Khorasan (IS-K) has claimed credit for a deadly suicide attack on the Taliban government's Foreign Ministry building in Kabul.
The UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) said in a statement to AFP on January 13 that at least 10 people are believe to have been killed and another 53 wounded in the attack by the Islamic State offshoot, which has heightened its deadly campaign in Afghanistan. Some Taliban officials and diplomatic sources said the death toll was as high as 20. Most of the victims were civilians working for the ministry.
A diplomatic source said on condition of anonymity that the blast occurred as Taliban officials were meeting with their Chinese counterparts, a claim later rejected by a Taliban official. But the brazen bombing -- coming just a day before Russia's top diplomat for Afghanistan was to visit with Taliban officials in the same building -- put a spotlight on the isolated government's inability to stop IS-K attacks, even on highly secured targets.
The attack struck at the heart of the Taliban government and follows the recent assassination of a senior Taliban security official in the northeastern province of Badakhshan.
Why It's Important: The IS-K's escalating attacks on the Taliban government are part of its broader strategy to steer a nationwide insurgency challenging Taliban rule and are a clear signal that the extremist group aims to establish itself firmly as the Taliban's main jihadist rival.
While most of the IS-K attacks carried out since the Taliban seized power in August 2021 were against religious minorities and civilians, this one was at the struggling government's front door.
It is also a continuation of a recent campaign to undermine the Taliban's relations with regional powers and neighbors. Since September, the IS-K has targeted the diplomatic and commercial presence of Pakistan, Russia, and China.
The direct attack on a key ministry creates another major hurdle for the Taliban's hard-line Islamist government, which is not recognized by any country and has become further isolated due to its imposition of repressive policies, particularly its ban on women's education and work.
The attack also indicated that the Taliban's crackdown on the IS-K and Afghanistan's tiny Salafist community has not successfully eliminated the group or seriously undermined its capacity to foment violence. Since seizing power in August 2021, the Taliban has targeted Afghan Salafists in the belief that the community provides the bulk of IS-K's recruits. But most of IS-K's known members and leaders are foreign, and it has consistently deployed foreign fighters in high-profile attacks.
What's Next: If the Taliban doubles down in its effort to fight the IS-K through repression, it can expect to see an escalation in attacks. A change in the Taliban's oppressive policies of governance, however, could create an opportunity to take advantage of popular support against IS-K violence. It could also open the way for international help in countering the threat IS-K poses to regional security.
The Week's Best Stories
- Afghans dependent on humanitarian aid for survival face an even more dire situation after major international aid agencies suspended their operations in Afghanistan in response to the Taliban's ban on Afghan women working for NGOs.
- In a video report, we take you to Afghanistan's central province of Daikundi, where residents are struggling to heat their homes this winter amid soaring fuel costs.
- In another video report, we meet the growing number of homeless Afghan drug addicts in the southern province of Nimroz. Addiction rates in Afghanistan continue to soar as international assistance has dried up since the Taliban seized power.
What To Keep An Eye On
On January 11, the executive committee of the intergovernmental Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) met in the Saudi port city of Jeddah to discuss the Taliban's recent restrictions on Afghan women and the deteriorating human rights situation in Afghanistan.
A communique issued by the 57 OIC members, all Muslim majority countries, expressed its "disappointment over the suspension of female education in Afghanistan and the decision ordering all national and international nongovernmental organizations to suspend female employees."
The OIC indicated that it would continue to engage with the Taliban to encourage it to rescind its discriminatory policies and adhere to universal human rights principles and standards.
Why It's Important: The OIC statement and the visit by a delegation of Muslim scholars recently sent to Afghanistan undermine the Taliban's claim that its treatment of Afghan women and other extremist policies are in keeping with Islamic Shari'a law.
A united Muslim diplomatic position deprives the Taliban of any credibility and legitimacy to claims that its policies and treatment of Afghans are compatible with its efforts to create an Islamic political system. It strengthens international pressure on the Taliban's unrecognized government to recognize that adhering to international norms of human rights and governance is the only way to end its current isolation.
The OIC stands indirectly strengthens the hand of more pragmatic voices within the Taliban against hard-line clerics led by the group's supreme leader, Mawalawi Haibatullh Akhundzada, who is behind most of the Taliban's extremist policies.
That's all from me for now. Remember to send me any questions, comments, or tips.
Until next time,
If you enjoyed this briefing and don't want to miss the next edition, subscribe here. It will be sent to your inbox every Friday.
Rule Of Law Risks Becoming 'Rule Of Lawlessness,' UN Chief Warns
UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres warned on January 12 that the rule of law is at grave risk of becoming “the rule of lawlessness,” pointing to a host of unlawful actions across the globe -- from Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and coups in Africa’s Sahel region to North Korea’s nuclear weapons program and Afghanistan’s unprecedented attacks on the rights of women and girls. The UN chief also cited as examples the breakdown of the rule of law in Myanmar since the military ousted the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi in February 2021, leading to “a cycle of violence, repression, and severe human rights violations,” and the weak rule of law in Haiti, which is beset by widespread rights abuses, soaring crime rates, corruption, and transnational crime. To read the original story from AP, click here.
Australia Dumps Afghan Cricket Series Over Taliban Crackdown On Women
Australia pulled out of an upcoming one-day series against Afghanistan in the United Arab Emirates on January 12, citing Taliban moves to further restrict women's rights. The men's team were due to face their Afghan counterparts in three games in March following a tour to India. However, Cricket Australia said that, after talks with concerned parties that included the Australian government, the series would no longer take place.
HRW: 'Litany' Of Human Rights Crises In 2022 Opens Way For New Leadership Model
The human rights crises that unfolded in 2022 caused immense human suffering but also opened new opportunities for global leadership on human rights, the acting executive director of Human Rights Watch (HRW) said on January 12 as the organization released its annual world report on human rights.
Tirana Hassan referred to a new model for global leadership on human rights in her introduction to the Human Rights Watch World Report 2023, saying that in a world in which power has shifted, it is no longer possible to rely on a small group of governments in the northern part of the globe to defend human rights.
The responsibility must fall on individual countries -- big and small -- to apply a human rights framework to their policies and then work with each other to protect and promote human rights, she said.
"The past year has demonstrated that all governments bear the responsibility of protesting human rights around the world," Hassan said. "Against a backdrop of shifting power, there is more space, not less, for states to stand up for human rights as new coalitions and new voices of leadership emerge."
The 712-page report looks at the state of human rights in nearly 100 countries where the independent international organization works.
It cites atrocities committed by Russia in its war in Ukraine, China's treatment of Uyghurs, actions by the Taliban that have put millions of Afghans at risk of starvation, and protests in Iran prompted by opposition to the mandatory hijab for women as among the "litany of human rights crises in 2022."
Hassan said the world's mobilization around Russia's war in Ukraine "reminds us of the extraordinary potential when governments realize their human rights obligations on a global scale."
Moscow has accompanied its brutal military actions in Ukraine with a crackdown on human rights and anti-war activists, "throttling dissent and any criticism of Putin’s rule," she said. But one positive outcome of Russia's actions has been to activate the full global human rights system created to deal with such crises.
This extraordinary response showed what is possible for accountability, but the challenge will be for governments to "replicate the best of the international response in Ukraine and scale up the political will to address other crises around the world until there is meaningful human rights improvement."
On Iran, she said the protests against the mandatory use of the hijab are just the most visible symbol of repression.
"The demand for equality triggered by women and schoolgirls has morphed into a nationwide movement by the Iranian people against a government that has systematically denied them their rights, mismanaged the economy, and driven people into poverty," she said.
Hassan also blasted U.S. President Joe Biden, who she said "eviscerated" his pledge to make Saudi Arabia a "pariah state" over its human rights record with a "bro-like fist bump with Saudi Arabia's Mohammed Bin Salman."
She also said the Biden administration, despite its rhetoric about prioritizing democracy and human rights in Asia, has tempered criticism of abuses and increasing authoritarianism in India, Thailand, the Philippines, and elsewhere in Southeast Asia for security and economic reasons.
Homeless Afghan Drug Addicts Face Few Treatment Options, Harsh Winter
Huddled crowds of drug addicts in Afghanistan's southwestern Nimroz Province illustrate the country's growing opium and heroin crisis. International aid for fighting addiction has dried up since the Taliban seized power in 2021. And United Nations data shows addiction is rising alongside poverty with the country's economy largely frozen.
At Least 10 Killed In Suicide Bombing In Kabul Claimed By Islamic State Affiliate
The regional affiliate of the Islamic State (IS) extremist group has claimed responsibility for an explosion that ripped through the Afghan capital near the entrance to the Foreign Ministry building, killing at least 10 people and wounding 53.
The militant group's Amaq news agency said on an affiliated Telegram channel that an IS member managed to pass Taliban security fortifications "before blowing up his explosive belt in the middle of employees and guards."
Since the Taliban seized power in August 2021, the country has been targeted by Islamic State-Khorasan, an offshoot of IS.
A spokesman for the Taliban government's security headquarters, Khaled Zadran, confirmed to RFE/RL's Radio Azadi that the blast took place at around 4 p.m. local time on January 11.
"An explosion took place today on the road to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as a result of which five civilians were martyred and several more were injured," Zadran said.
The bomber had planned to enter the Foreign Ministry but failed, he said, according to Reuters.
Emergency Hospital, a surgical center run by an Italian NGO, said it had received more than 40 patients following the explosion, which was condemned by the United Nations and several countries.
Former Afghan President Hamid Karzai also condemned the attack, saying on Twitter that "this act of terrorism is a crime against humanity and against all human and Islamic values."
A diplomatic source within the Foreign Ministry who asked not to be identified told RFE/RL that the explosion occurred when the ministry's employees were on leave.
But the same source said that the explosion was strong and there were casualties.
The source also said the blast happened while a meeting between Taliban representatives and Chinese officials was going on inside the ministry.
Zia Ahmad Takal, a ministry deputy spokesman, disputed that there was any such meeting at the time.
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Kyiv Says Forces Outnumbered, Battling 'Intensifying' Russian Attacks Near Bakhmut3
Leader Of Group Of Mothers And Wives Of Russian Soldiers Detained En Route To Moscow4
Ukrainian Military Says Russia Advancing In Three Directions As Air Strikes Increase5
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Russia Shifting War Focus To 'NATO And The West,' Says EU Official7
Russian State Duma Head Joins Officials Warning Of Nuclear Retaliation In Ukraine8
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Ukrainian Army Drone Footage Shows Purported Russian Sneak Attack10
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