Accessibility links

Breaking News

Qishloq Ovozi (Archive)

Tajik businessman and politician Zayd Saidov was convicted on charges that emerged shortly after he declared his intention to run for president -- accusations he has vehemently denied.
Tajik businessman and politician Zayd Saidov was convicted on charges that emerged shortly after he declared his intention to run for president -- accusations he has vehemently denied.

Anyone familiar with the work of international rights organizations Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Freedom House, or Reporters Without Borders and the like is probably also familiar with the places Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and to a lesser extent Kyrgyzstan.

The rights records, certainly of the first four, have been criticized from their early days of independence. But their situations have actually grown noticeably worse, and even Kyrgyzstan has recently been the subject of a number of appeals and reports from rights groups.

To look at what is going on and why it is happening, RFE/RL's Turkmen Service, known locally as Azatlyk, assembled a panel to review these recent negative trends and suggest possible remedies.

And I'll mention here that Turkmen authorities just this month forced one of Azatlyk's journalists in Turkmenistan to cease his work for RFE/RL (read this, this, this, and this).

Azatlyk director Muhammad Tahir moderated the panel. Participating were Johann Bihr, head of the Reporters Without Borders Eastern Europe and Central Asia desk; Steve Swerdlow, Central Asia researcher at Human Rights Watch (and a Qishloq resident); and RFE/RL intern Bradley Jardine, a graduate student at Glasgow University who was back for his second straight appearance (his professor told us to work him hard). I, of course, simply had to say my piece as well, considering how long I've been writing about this topic.

The deterioration of rights in Central Asia runs across the spectrum: civil rights, media freedom, labor rights, religious freedom, respect for minorities, ability to participate in the political process, and on and on.

Let's start with the great information highway and Central Asian governments' efforts to control or cut off the Internet.

Bihr brought up the recent case of a Tajik commander of the elite Interior Ministry troops (OMON) who apparently defected to the Islamic State (IS) militant group and then released a threatening video. Bihr recalled that Tajik authorities initiated a "nearly two-week-long Internet blockade in Tajikistan, which targeted all major social networks including YouTube, Odnoklassniki, Vkontakte, and others."

Bihr noted that it's not only Tajikistan. "This trend has been on the rise across Central Asia -- Internet censorship, I mean -- and it has been more and more obvious, nearly all the Central Asian states have adopted laws allowing the authorities to filter Internet websites without any court decision," Bihr said, then added, "It's not the case yet in Kyrgyzstan, but a bill has been submitted last month to the parliament in this direction."

Bihr singled out Kazakhstan as having one of the more "draconian" attitudes, pointing out that in 2014 a law was passed "allowing the authorities to cut off any communication network at will, without any court order."

He said it had become "the habit in Central Asia to kill the messenger rather than tackle the problem."

Swerdlow spoke about the "decline in the democratic credentials" in Tajikistan, saying "we've seen the Islamic Revival [aka Renaissance] Party for the first time in Tajikistan's modern history not get a seat in parliament, this is a real decline in the democratic credentials of modern Tajikistan."

Swerdlow mentioned there had been more political victims recently in Tajikistan, "for example Zayd Saidov, a businessman from Tajikistan who announced an interest in running for president and formed a new party prior to the presidential election in 2013. He was put away [in prison] for actually 26 years." Swerdlow drew special attention to the fact this was an amazingly long prison sentence by Tajik standards.

In Tajikistan, people convicted of being leaders in banned extremist groups plotting the overthrow of the government rarely receive more than 20 years in prison. Saidov was convicted of sexual relations with a minor, polygamy, fraud, and corruption, charges that emerged shortly after he declared his intention to run for president and accusations he has vehemently denied.

Swerdlow also spoke about recent religious laws passed in Tajikistan. "We've seen there some of the world's most restrictive laws on religion; for example, the parental responsibility law, which prevents minors, anyone under the age of 18, from attending a mosque, a church, a synagogue even with the accompaniment of a parent," he said.

But Swerdlow noted that in Central Asia, Uzbekistan really started the practice of adopting legislation meant to keep the faithful in line. Among the practices now banned in Uzbekistan are "worshipping in one's home or worshipping in a small group of people, discussing religion in an unsanctioned place, wearing a beard, wearing a hijab, carrying a Bible which is not registered."

Jardine examined the decline of labor rights, starting with the perennial "Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, where you have forced labor, picking in the cotton fields, where they take children 15 to 17 out of schools basically for two months out of the year for very minimal pay to fulfill government quotas." Over the years, people from many walks of life have been forced into the cotton fields of Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, but in Uzbekistan's case public attention on the use of children to pick cotton has led the authorities to resort to students and adults.

Jardine pointed out that after the oil-worker strikes in Kazakhstan in 2011 that ended with 17 people being killed by the police, authorities in that country moved to tighten controls over the labor unions and workers. "Kazakhstan has further restrictions for assembly labor unions; there are criminal sanctions against workers who continue strikes that are declared illegal by the courts" and, Jardine added, "On top of that Kazakhstan also harasses a lot of labor activists, even imprisons many of them."

Why is all this happening in just the last several years?

Several reasons were suggested, but two seemed to carry the most weight. The first was the change in emphasis on the part of Western countries involved in the U.S.-led campaign in Afghanistan. Swerdlow said the new relationship with the Central Asian states "put more emphasis on the Northern Distribution Network," the supply route through Central Asia to Afghanistan. "They [Western governments] notably lessened the pressure on these [Central Asian] governments and I think that really did actually enable many of them to deepen abuses," he said.

The other reason was Russia -- the Kremlin's involvement in Ukraine -- which has alarmed leaders in former Soviet republics, and President Vladimir Putin's push for closer integration of those former Soviet republics through the Eurasian Economic Union and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO).

The panelists noted countries such as Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan have been mulling the adoption of, as Swerdlow said, the "Russian-style, copy-and-paste" laws on foreign funded organizations being forced to register as "foreign agents" and also a law on dissemination of information about same-sex relations. Clearly the Kremlin will not complain about such legislation and passage, even consideration, of such odious laws pays symbolic allegiance to Russia.

Can the damage be stemmed?

Difficult to be sure and Bihr noted, "Change can only happen in the inside" and said that "there are still seeds of hope in these activists and human rights defenders and independent journalists that keep fighting in more and more adverse circumstances for the respect of their rights and the rights of their fellow citizens."

Swerdlow said this week's visit of UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to Central Asia and the upcoming annual EU-Central Asia dialogue were examples of events that could be used to urge Central Asia's governments to end some of these undemocratic and abusive policies. But he said these officials need to "make the call for releases of specific political prisoners, lay out the laws that are specifically discriminatory, don't speak in abstract terms about worsening levels of freedom of expression but really be as specific as you can."

The discussion went much deeper into these topics and touched on other matters. You can listen to the full recording here:

please wait

No media source currently available

0:00 0:44:13 0:00
Direct link

Not everyone in Central Asia is comfortable with Chinese economic expansion into the region. Some locals complain of not being able to use infrastructure built by Chinese companies.
Not everyone in Central Asia is comfortable with Chinese economic expansion into the region. Some locals complain of not being able to use infrastructure built by Chinese companies.

China's rapid expansion into Central Asia has changed the balance of influence among outside players there. The Middle Kingdom's return to the neighboring region, after more than 1,000 years, has been vigorous, sweeping aside most of the recent external players in Central Asia, and to some extent Beijing has even supplanted the recent traditional power in the region, Russia.

RFE/RL's Turkmen Service, known locally as Azatlyk, assembled a panel to discuss China's influence in Central Asia, how far it could expand, and what China's presence in Central Asia means to the geopolitics of the region.

Azatlyk Director Muhammad Tahir moderated the panel. Participating in the discussion were Reid Standish from Foreign Policy magazine in Washington, Galym Bokash from RFE/RL's Kazakh Service (Azattyq), and Bradley Jardine from Glasgow University, currently an intern at RFE/RL. As always, I joined the conversation as well.

China has used the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) as its vehicle to enter Central Asia. The SCO was founded in 1996 (called at the time simply the Shanghai Five) as a confidence-building measure that obligated China and the four former Soviet republics bordering China -- Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Russia -- to withdraw the bulk of military personnel and hardware away from the Sino-CIS border. That agreement worked so well that the group evolved its purpose to include trade and, later, security. Uzbekistan joined in 2001, giving China access to four of the Central Asian countries via SCO agreements.

Jardine started the discussion by offering a striking example of how quickly China has moved in Central Asia, noting that trade between the Central Asian states and China amounted to some $1 billion in 2000 and by 2013 it had risen to $50 billion. Since then China has signed new deals with the Central Asian states, notably agreements inked with Kazakhstan in late March that are worth some $23 billion.

Economically, China seems to be all over Central Asia. Bokash mentioned the presence of the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) in Kazakhstan. "China is visible everywhere in Kazakhstan," Bokash said. "You can see a CNPC sign in almost every oblast of Kazakhstan, oil stations, gas stations."

China has successfully used trade to win new friends in Central Asia. But it was pointed out that Beijing's primary interest in Central Asia is natural resources. China imports oil from Kazakhstan; natural gas from Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan; uranium from Kazakhstan; operates gold mines in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan; and is searching for rare earths in Tajikistan. Much of the infrastructure projects Beijing has financed in Central Asia -- the roads, railways, and pipelines -- lead back to China.

Certainly the Central Asian states benefit from these projects, especially considering they could not realize these projects on their own and there are still relatively few foreign investors in the region outside the oil, gas, and metals sectors.

Standish pointed out that Central Asia also stands to gain from China's Silk Road Initiative. "If you look at what China is doing in the bigger picture in the Silk Road, you can see Central Asia is very much a launching pad connecting by land China to Europe," Standish said.

Other countries and international organizations have announced their own Silk Road projects over the years but these have yet to make a major impact in Central Asia.

Not everyone in Central Asia is comfortable with Chinese economic expansion into the region. Bokash said some people in Kazakhstan "are quite suspicious about any Chinese activities in the private sector, in business, especially in Almaty, big urban centers." Bokash described the view of China among some in Kazakhstan as being "a mixture of fear and fascination."

Jardine recalled that in Tajikistan, China financed construction of the Dushanbe-Chinak highway linking the two countries but after the road opened "toll booths started appearing from these opaque companies [involved in construction] which were charging local Tajiks to use it. So they [Tajik citizens] weren't even able to use these roads once they were built as part of China's infrastructure strategy."

And many bazaar merchants in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan have complained that Chinese merchants gained access to bazaars near the border and sold goods subsidized by the Chinese government at lower prices than local merchants could match, putting the locals out of business.

Beijing does have some programs to try to win the friendship of Central Asia's people. Standish explained that China is just starting its soft-power strategy. "China doesn't have the same type of soft-power credibility that a country like Russia or even the United States has in Central Asia and that's not something that can be built overnight. It's not something that $40 billion in roads and railways can create; it's something that needs to get built over time. We'll see over the coming decade whether China can translate its economic influence into something more tangible and long-term."

Bokash drew attention to China's courting of Kazakhstan's youth. "Confucius centers are functioning in Kazakhstan as well in all the biggest centers -- regional centers Almaty, Astana -- and are quite popular," he said. "Around 2,000 grants are given by the Chinese government to Kazakh students to study Chinese or anything in China."

"Year-by-year," he added, "Chinese universities are kind of pushing Russian universities from the way and getting more popular."

The rivalry that has developed between Russia and China was a prime topic during the discussion. After the Soviet Union collapsed in late 1991 and "newly independent" Central Asian states emerged, the competition for influence in Central Asia was mainly between Russia and the West -- the United States partnered with the European Union.

Chinese influence in Central Asia is now far greater than Western influence, a trend that looks to continue as Western states withdraw from Afghanistan and recede, to some extent, from Central Asia as well.

As Standish said, "Russia is not going anywhere." But Russia is at a big disadvantage and the Kremlin's policies are to blame for at least some of that.

Even during the years of the last decade when the Russian economy was strong, Moscow was having a difficult time matching Chinese investment in Central Asia. Russia's recent economic problems have provided China with new opportunities and Beijing has again moved in quickly.

But Russia's reputation in Central Asia has suffered due to the Ukraine crisis. Moscow might deny any role in Ukraine but the Central Asians are certainly apprehensive. "In the last year there's been a lot of suspicion of Russia's actions, especially in Ukraine." Standish noted. "You know, [amid] alarmist rhetoric about Kazakhstan not being a state, some people have been looking eastward a lot more."

The discussion dealt with these topics and others in greater depth. A full recording of the roundtable can be heard below:

please wait

No media source currently available

0:00 0:39:14 0:00
Direct link

-- Bruce Pannier

Load more

About This Blog

Qishloq Ovozi is a blog by RFE/RL Central Asia specialist Bruce Pannier that aims to look at the events that are shaping Central Asia and its respective countries, connect the dots to shed light on why those processes are occurring, and identify the agents of change.​

The name means "Village Voice" in Uzbek. But don't be fooled, Qishloq Ovozi is about all of Central Asia.

Subscribe

Blog Archive
XS
SM
MD
LG