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Writer Zhengis Reskhan has not been seen since March.
Writer Zhengis Reskhan has not been seen since March.

For nearly three months, Nartai Zhengis, who lives in Kazakhstan, has not heard directly from his father, Zhengis Reskhan, a prominent ethnic Kazakh writer and satirist from China's Xinjiang region.

The last word came through Nartai's mother in Xinjiang, who told him local police had taken Reskhan away without providing any official detention notice or disclosing any charges. Since then, the family has been unable to obtain any formal explanation from Chinese authorities.

The case has renewed concerns about the treatment of ethnic Kazakhs in Xinjiang, where rights groups, researchers, and relatives have for years documented detentions, disappearances, and restrictions targeting Uyghurs, Kazakhs, and other Turkic Muslim minorities.

In 2018, a UN human rights panel cited credible reports that as many as 1 million Uyghurs and members of other predominantly Muslim minority groups were being held in camps and other detention facilities across the region.

Beijing has described the facilities as vocational training centers designed to combat extremism and terrorism and has repeatedly denied allegations of widespread abuses.

However, human rights organizations, former detainees, UN experts, and several Western governments have disputed those explanations, while a 2022 UN human rights office report said allegations of arbitrary detention and other abuses in Xinjiang were credible and could constitute crimes against humanity.

In Reskhan's case, relatives say authorities have provided little official information.

"They never showed any legal documents," Nartai said in an interview with RFE/RL's Kazakh Service. "No search warrants, no detention papers, no explanation of the reasons."

According to the family's account, pressure on Reskhan began months before his disappearance. Starting in December 2025, local authorities repeatedly summoned and detained him for what they described as "investigations." Sometimes he would disappear for a day, sometimes several days, occasionally for a week, before returning home.

"He always came back," Nartai recalled. "Then after March, I completely lost contact with my father."

The family's understanding of what happened afterward comes entirely through unofficial channels. Relatives in Xinjiang reportedly heard that the writer had been transferred from his hometown in Barkol Kazakh Autonomous County to the city of Hami and was being held there. Authorities have neither confirmed nor denied the information.

The only explanation relatives say they received was verbal. According to Nartai, local officials told family members that Reskhan allegedly possessed "radical ideas" and had engaged in speech or activities that could affect state stability. No written accusation was ever produced.

Nartai rejects the allegation outright.

"It is a complete lie," he said. "My father is simply a writer and satirist."

Giving A Voice To The Voiceless

Based in the Hami region of eastern Xinjiang, which is home to a large ethnic Kazakh community and part of the historic homeland of the Uyghurs and other Turkic-Muslim peoples, Reskhan became one of the most recognizable voices in Kazakh-language literature and culture.

Over the years, he worked as a teacher, editor, cultural administrator, and literary organizer. He directed a county song-and-dance ensemble, edited the Kazakh-language section of the Hami Valley magazine, and chaired the Hami Regional Writers' Union.

He was best known for satire and children's literature, writing stories that relied on humor and everyday social observation rather than political themes. His work earned him recognition within Xinjiang's literary circles, including regional awards and membership in China's official Writers Association.

According to his family, he has compiled 13 collections over his career, though the remaining two manuscripts had not yet been formally published at the time of his disappearance.

For Nartai, his father's distinguished record as an educator and state-recognized writer makes the accusations he allegedly faces entirely groundless.

"Eleven [of his collections] were legally published through official publishing houses," he said. "Some were translated into Chinese and published again. If there was something wrong with his work, why were those books approved and distributed?"

Part Of A Wider Purge

Reskhan's disappearance is part of a broader pattern that researchers, activists, and relatives say has affected Uyghur and Kazakh intellectuals, writers, educators, and cultural figures across Xinjiang over the past decade.

The family's story reflects broader concerns raised by journalist Zhaqsylyq Qazymuratuly, who has spent years documenting the detention and disappearance of Kazakh intellectuals in Xinjiang.

Qazymuratuly describes Reskhan as one of the most prominent Kazakh writers in China and argues that his case is not an isolated one.

Two years ago, Qazymuratuly published an investigation into imprisoned Kazakh intellectuals in Xinjiang, including poets, writers, journalists, and artists. According to information he has received since then, only a small number have reportedly been released, some under strict police supervision or house arrest. For many others, he says, there is still no reliable information.

"The majority of those detained remain unaccounted for," he said.

Qazymuratuly believes the nature of repression in Xinjiang has changed since the period of mass detentions that drew international attention between 2017 and 2019.

In his view, authorities initially detained large numbers of people to instill fear across society. Once that objective was achieved, the focus shifted toward intellectuals and cultural figures.

"I believe the goal is to eliminate the intelligentsia -- people who speak on behalf of their nation, defend national interests, and try to preserve them," he said.

He points to broader changes within the Kazakh community in Xinjiang. According to Qazymuratuly, Kazakh-language schools have largely disappeared, younger generations increasingly study and communicate in Chinese, and the space for Kazakh-language cultural life has narrowed considerably.

"What they need now," he said, "is to weaken or ultimately eliminate an intelligentsia that thinks, speaks, and writes in Kazakh and remains concerned about Kazakh national and cultural issues."

He also questions the logic behind some prosecutions.

Chinese authorities maintain extensive censorship mechanisms before books, magazines, and news reports are published. Yet, according to information he has gathered, some intellectuals are later accused on the basis of material that had already passed official review and received government approval.

"For authorities to later find fault with books or reports that they themselves approved and published appears more like a pretext or false accusation," he said.

Falling On Deaf Ears

The family's search for answers has exposed the limits of official assistance.

After losing contact with his father, Nartai wrote to Kazakhstan's president, the Kazakh Foreign Ministry, the Chinese Embassy in Astana, the US Embassy in Astana, and several international organizations. Months later, he has yet to receive any substantive information about his father's whereabouts.

Desperate for answers, Nartai took a significant risk and sent his sister, a Kazakh citizen, to Xinjiang. At a local police station, officials allegedly responded that they either did not know his location or would not provide information, refusing to give her even written confirmation of their refusal. Prosecutors declined to meet with her or answer phone calls, forcing her to return to Kazakhstan empty-handed.

RFE/RL’s Kazakh Service also sought comment from the Chinese Embassy regarding Reskhan's case but received no response.

Kazakhstan's Foreign Ministry has said it submitted an inquiry to Beijing regarding the writer's case.

Kazakhstan publicly positions itself as the historical homeland and protector of the global ethnic Kazakh diaspora. At the same time, successive Kazakh governments have sought to maintain close political and economic ties with China, a key trade and investment partner that shares a long border with Kazakhstan.

This balancing act has frequently drawn criticism from activists campaigning on behalf of ethnic Kazakhs detained or missing in Xinjiang.

Kazakh officials have nonetheless maintained that Reskhan is a Chinese citizen and that his case falls strictly under China's internal jurisdiction.

As of June, his family says it still has no official confirmation of where he is being held or whether any formal charges have been brought against him.

A screenshot of a video of an anti-China demonstration against Chinese policies in Xinjiang on November 13, 2025. The organizers are facing charges for "inciting interethnic hatred."
A screenshot of a video of an anti-China demonstration against Chinese policies in Xinjiang on November 13, 2025. The organizers are facing charges for "inciting interethnic hatred."

TALDYQORGHAN, Kazakhstan -- In a trial that could be the latest bellwether for growing Chinese influence in Kazakhstan, 19 activists who organized demonstrations against China's mass internment camps in Xinjiang are expected to be sentenced by a Kazakh court.

In a small courtroom in Taldyqorghan, a town close to Kazakhstan’s southeastern border with China, the activists delivered their final statements on April 9 in closed-door proceedings that have been under way since late January. The court announced that the judge will deliver a verdict on April 14.

“I can't say anything else because the judge has forbidden the participants in the trial from making the facts public,” Oralkhan Aben, who is serving as the public defender for her husband Tursynbek Kabi, one of the defendants, told reporters when she emerged from the courthouse after the session. “I disagree with the charges against my husband.”

Kazakhstan’s Last Activists Protesting China’s Abuses In Xinjiang Are Standing Trial Kazakhstan’s Last Activists Protesting China’s Abuses In Xinjiang Are Standing Trial
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The defendants are members or supporters of Naghyz Atazhurt, an unregistered advocacy group that works with families who have relatives missing in Xinjiang. They are charged with "inciting interethnic hatred" in connection with a November 13, 2025, protest that was filmed and posted online.

In those videos, they can be seen burning small Chinese flags and a portrait of Chinese leader Xi Jinping while chanting slogans against Chinese President Xi Jinping, the Chinese Communist Party, and calling for the release of a naturalized Kazakh citizen from Xinjiang who has been detained in China since July 2025.

The case is widely seen as a gauge of China’s influence in Kazakhstan, after evidence emerged that prosecutors acted following a diplomatic complaint from Beijing. It highlights the tension between domestic activism over Xinjiang -- where more than 1 million Uyghurs, Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, and other Muslim minorities have been sent to mass detention camps -- and the government’s strategic relationship with China.

China Puts On The Diplomatic Pressure

The trial has been closed to members of the public and journalists, at the request of one of the defendants.

The case has received international attention and has been monitored by international advocacy groups. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have criticized the legal basis for the case brought forward by Kazakh prosecutors and called for the release of the demonstrators. US Congressman James McGovern also called for their release in January in a note sent to the Kazakh Embassy in Washington.

A screenshot of the diplomatic note sent by the Chinese general consulate in Almaty to Kazakhstan's Foreign Ministry.
A screenshot of the diplomatic note sent by the Chinese general consulate in Almaty to Kazakhstan's Foreign Ministry.

Only a select few people involved in the trial were present outside the courthouse. A special police unit was deployed inside the building, with a police bus, an ambulance, and fire trucks stationed outside.

A day before the final statements, the prosecutor asked the court to sentence 18 of the 19 defendants to either five years in prison or five years suspended, Shynkuat Baizhanov, a lawyer for several of the defendants, told RFE/RL. Prison terms were sought for roughly half of those charged, he added.

The provision that includes “inciting interethnic hatred" carries a maximum sentence of up to 10 years imprisonment under Kazakh law.

Court documents reviewed by RFE/RL show that a diplomatic note sent by the Chinese consulate in Almaty to the Kazakh Foreign Ministry served as the basis for investigators to open the criminal case.

The note, obtained by RFE/RL, describes the November 2025 protest as an “open provocation against the dignity of the People’s Republic of China and an insult to the image of the Communist Party of China and China’s leader," and calls for Kazakh authorities "to seriously investigate [the incident.]"

The indictment against the demonstrators says that the protest "negatively impacted the two nations' friendship” and that “the Chinese side has expressed serious concerns regarding the incident. [China's] Consulate General expressed hope that the action will be properly investigated."

The Kazakh Foreign Ministry told RFE/RL in January that the Chinese ambassador to Kazakhstan met with Kazakh officials in November 2025 following the protest and that it was discussed, but did not comment on the contents of the diplomatic note.

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