Armenia: Defeated Presidential Challenger Rejects Calls For Cooperation
By RFE/RL analyst Liz Fuller
The standoff in Armenia between the authorities and supporters of former President Levon Ter-Petrossian, who continues to claim he was the rightful winner of the February 19 presidential ballot, looks set to continue.
Addressing some 10,000 supporters in Yerevan on February 26, Prime Minister Serzh Sarkisian, who according to official results won the February 19 presidential election with almost 53 percent of the vote, appealed to his defeated rival candidates and their supporters to cooperate, and possibly form a coalition government, but Ter-Petrossian responded just hours later by demanding that Sarkisian and outgoing President Robert Kocharian resign. Claiming that he received 65 percent of the vote, rather than the 21.51 percent confirmed as the final tally by the Central Election Commission on February 24, Ter-Petrossian has told supporters that he will leave Freedom Square, where his supporters have assembled daily since February 20, only to move into the presidential palace.
Ter-Petrossian's rejection of the ballot as less than free and fair is not entirely unfounded, nor is the anger and resentment of many of the tens of thousands of Armenians who support him.
The election monitoring mission organized by the OSCE and the Council of Europe registered the lack of a "level playing field" during the election campaign, in particular Sarkisian's use of the administrative resources available to him as prime minister and the equally blatant bias shown by pro-government media against Ter-Petrossian.
The actual vote, too, was marred by isolated instances of violence, intimidation, and procedural violations such as ballot stuffing, while the vote count and tabulation was assessed as "bad" or "very bad" in 16 percent of polling stations where international observers were present. (The comparable figure for the preterm Georgian presidential ballot was 25 percent, and for the 2003 presidential election in Azerbaijan more than 50 percent.)
On February 25, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation-Dashnaktsutiun (HHD), whose presidential candidate, Vahan Hovannisian, placed fourth with 6 percent of the vote, issued a statement implying that Ter-Petrossian's supporters too resorted to vote buying and other irregularities. Ter-Petrossian's supporters allege that the turnout figure of 1.7 million, or almost 70 percent of registered voters, was inflated, and that only some 1.1 million voters cast ballots. But it remains an open question whether, as Ter-Petrossian's supporters claim, the violations were of a magnitude to reduce Sarkisian's share of the vote to below the 50 percent plus one vote required to avoid a runoff.
The mass popular support for Ter-Petrossian reflects not simply a rejection of an election outcome perceived to have been manipulated, thereby negating voters' legitimate choice. At another level, it is a protest against the widespread official corruption, embezzlement, and mismanagement that Ter-Petrossisan lambasted repeatedly in his campaign speeches. Speaking at a press conference on February 26, leading HHD member Armen Rustamian stressed that the Armenian leadership should be asking themselves the pertinent question: "What have we done wrong, that so many people have aligned with Levon Ter-Petrossian?" Finally, it is an expression of confidence in a man who spearheaded the drive for Armenia's independence, and who, while he undoubtedly failed during his six years as president to curtail similar corruption among his own entourage, is widely regarded as personally honest. To that extent, it reflects the degree to which politics in Armenia is dominated not by political parties or by issues, but by individual politicians.
Despite the procedural violations registered during the voting and vote count by international monitors, the international community has accepted the election outcome as valid. Several heads of state have congratulated Sarkisian personally, although the U.S. State Department congratulated the Armenian people on holding an "active and competitive ballot." Both the U.S. State Department, and Slovak Foreign Minister Jan Kubis in his capacity as president of the Council of Europe's Committee of Ministers, and visiting Finnish Foreign Minister and OSCE Chairman in Office Ilkka Kanerva have praised the Armenian authorities' "restraint" in the face of the ongoing mass protests and stressed the need for the two opposing sides to resolve their differences within the framework of the constitution.
In light of statements by the international community endorsing the official results of the ballot, the Armenian leadership has every incentive to avoid any escalation that could end in bloodshed. And Ter-Petrossian and his supporters risk forfeiting any international support they may be counting on if they embark in their demands for new elections on any action that could be construed by the authorities as an attempt to seize power. Outgoing President Robert Kocharian ordered senior military, National Security Service and Interior Ministry personnel on February 23 to take measures to avert any such "unconstitutional" moves. Meanwhile, a February 23 offer by defeated HHD candidate Hovannisian to mediate between the two sides has gone unregarded.
Ter-Petrossian is almost certainly waiting for the Constitutional Court to respond to his formal appeal to invalidate the outcome of the February 19 vote and schedule new elections. The court must do so within 10 days of the appeal, which was made on February 25. He may also be hoping that more senior government officials will defect and join his camp, as some 10 Foreign Ministry personnel and two department heads from the Trade and Economic Development Ministry have already done. But the scale of those defections cannot be compared with the massive withdrawal of support, especially by 40 of the 96 deputies from the majority Hanrapetutiun parliament faction, that apparently proved decisive in impelling Ter-Petrossian to step down as president 10 years ago. Ter-Petrossian claimed on February 27 that "thousands" of civil servants and some members of the presidential administration are on his side, RFE/RL's Armenian Service reported.
Even if Ter-Petrossian did not plan from the outset to use in order to seize power the tactical and logistical skills in inspiring and mobilizing tens of thousands of people that he acquired 20 years ago as leader of the Karabakh Committee, his ignoring of Hovannisian's offer to mediate and his implicit rejection of Sarkisian's offer of cooperation only serve to substantiate Kocharian's allegations that this is his ultimate intention. As his rhetoric becomes bolder, and popular support for him shows no sign of abating, the options available to both sides for avoiding a violent confrontation are diminishing with each passing day.
Chechen Leader's Promotion Of 'Traditional Moral Values' Criticized
By RFE/RL analyst Liz Fuller
The Moscow-based human rights organization Memorial has conducted a survey of reactions to pro-Moscow Chechen Republic head Ramzan Kadyrov's program of measures made public last fall and intended to promote the revival of what he considers "traditional Chechen moral values." The findings of that survey were summarized by kavkaz-uzel.ru on February 22, the same day that Memorial staffers met with Kadyrov in Grozny.
The primary target of Kadyrov's displeasure was the predilection of young Chechen women for what he considered inappropriate and immodest clothing, including miniskirts and low-cut wedding dresses. He therefore banned the sale of such wedding dresses as of November 1, 2007. The program also introduced the mandatory wearing of head scarves for women students at all Chechen higher educational establishments and for female secondary school pupils from the age of 10. Male students got off more lightly, being required simply to wear a necktie with the emblem of their university. Students who fail to comply with the dress code risk expulsion. Kadyrov had already issued orders in early September that all female government employees must wear a head scarf at work or risk dismissal.
Explaining the rationale for those measures, Kadyrov said that young people in Chechnya "are distancing themselves further from [our] moral ideals with each passing day. The younger generation has only a very vague understanding of such spiritual values as morality and ethics."
That traditional behavior patterns have been eroded over the past 13 years of war, chaos and social upheaval is beyond question. Grozny Mayor Muslim Khuchiyev observed last November that when Kadyrov visited the Grozny Oil Institute, male students did not even rise to their feet when he entered the auditorium, according to kavkaz-uzel.ru. But not all such lapses can be ascribed to the pernicious influence of inappropriately dressed young women, who are clearly the primary targets of Kadyrov's program. Memorial quoted Kadyrov as saying he is profoundly disturbed by the fact that "our brides sometimes appear before their future mother-in-law and their future husband's family almost naked, excuse the expression, and with their head bare. They appear on the street in miniskirts and with their hair loose. The mentality of our people does not permit this. I very much want Chechen girls to look like true Muslim women and to comply with the customs and traditions of their people."
But as in the case of Kadyrov's espousal of what he has touted as traditional Chechen sufism, his interpretation of what constitutes traditional dress is open to question, and his sometimes heavy-handed efforts to impose "traditional moral values" have in fact given rise to situations in which traditional behavior codes are violated. Traditionally, Chechen women have worn a headscarf that conceals every last strand of hair -- although not the intricately folded black version still worn by many women in Turkey and Iran. By contrast, what Kadyrov advocates for female students is a skimpy red scarf, with the logo of the Chechen State University, and which is tied at the nape of the neck, thus covering only the crown of the head, but leaving the hair largely visible.
Responsibility for ensuring that female students wear the mandatory head scarf has been laid on security personnel, and video cameras have been installed at some higher educational establishments to monitor compliance.
Moreover, university rectors have been warned they will be held personally responsible for compliance with the requirement, according to grani.ru on November 21. But as one faculty member told Memorial, Chechens consider it impermissible for any man other than her father, brother, or husband to make any comment about a woman's dress or public behavior. It is equally unacceptable for a younger man to make any such comment to a woman who is older than he is. One young man was beaten and required hospital treatment after reprimanding a security guard who made what he considered an inappropriate comment to his sister.
The Memorial survey found that "most" students and faculty members object to the head scarf requirement, but did not cite precise figures. On November 26, kavkaz-uzel.ru quoted a female student from the Philology Faculty of the Chechen State University as questioning why, if the Chechen Republic is indeed a full-fledged Russian Federation subject, Chechen students are required to submit to restrictions that do not apply to their counterparts elsewhere in Russia. She further observed that "I have the impression that women in our republic have become the indicator of faith, and that we have to pray to God for forgiveness not just of our own sins but those of our men-folk."
But chechnyatoday.com, the slick website recently set up by Kadyrov's administration with the presumed aim of demonstrating that life in Chechnya has indeed returned to "normal," and of inducing those Chechens who fled Chechnya during the fighting and still live elsewhere in Russia to return home, features video footage of several very pretty Chechen girls explaining why they consider the headscarf requirement acceptable.
The emphasis Kadyrov places on the external markers of "traditional morality," rather than seeking to resurrect a traditional code of ethics in which respect plays the central role, suggests that his campaign to impose his own vision of "traditional morality" is in fact intended primarily to serve a political purpose, by promoting among the younger generation a sense of national identity and solidarity that its bearers associate first and foremost with himself.