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China In Eurasia

A TV screen shows news about Russia's invasion of Ukraine at a shopping mall in Hangzhou, in eastern China, on February 25.
A TV screen shows news about Russia's invasion of Ukraine at a shopping mall in Hangzhou, in eastern China, on February 25.

With Russia's economy in freefall as it feels the weight of a wave of unprecedented sanctions from the West, could China provide economic support to Moscow?

So far, the answer appears to be "no."

Although Chinese President Xi Jinping and his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, have built strong ties in recent years in the face of Western pressure and Beijing has criticized the West's use of sanctions against Russia, China has not stepped in to help Moscow.

The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), a Chinese-led development bank, suspended all business with Russia and Belarus on March 3, a possible sign of the limits to Beijing and Moscow's relationship. Similarly, the Shanghai-based New Development Bank also suspended business with Russia the same day.

Economic ties between the countries, however, have strengthened in recent years, with bilateral trade soaring to turn China into Russia's largest trading partner as the countries sought to deal more in Chinese yuan, which is outside the U.S.-dollar financial system.

According to a Reuters report, Russian firms are also rushing to open Chinese bank accounts in hopes of circumventing the worst economic pain brought by sanctions, while the Financial Times reported on March 4 that investors are increasingly betting on Beijing boosting trade with Russia to soften the blow from sanctions.

But could Beijing extend a financial lifeline to Moscow -- and more crucially, would it be willing to?

To find out more, RFE/RL spoke with former U.S. Treasury official Peter Piatetsky, who is now the CEO of the consultancy Castellum.AI.

RFE/RL: What role could China play in supporting Russia's economy? We have seen some headlines about oil and wheat and there has been a push in recent years to sign deals in Chinese yuan, leaving them outside the U.S.-dollar-based international financial system. What options are on the table for Beijing?

Peter Piatetsky: Beijing has all the cards here and it's a very bad situation for Russia because Russia is a net exporter, but it doesn't have that many different exports -- minerals, diamonds, [uranium, wheat], but primarily oil -- and Europe is its main destination for oil.

China could buy up that extra oil, but it does not seem to be willing to and Russia's main external trading relationship is with China. However, China's main external trading relationship is with the United States. So what we've seen so far is that China has been very quietly enforcing U.S. sanctions.

A very good example we can look at is [sanctions] against North Korea and Iran. China essentially designated certain banks that aren't [integral] to the economy that can work with Iran and North Korea, and if they get sanctioned then that's an [acceptable] loss, but they're trying to not expose the broader [Chinese] economy.

China can essentially do one thing here, which is to buy more Russian goods, but they don't seem to be willing to do that and Russia doesn't have that many different goods that China is willing to buy.

People stand in line to withdraw U.S. dollars and euros from an ATM in St. Petersburg, Russia, on February 25.
People stand in line to withdraw U.S. dollars and euros from an ATM in St. Petersburg, Russia, on February 25.

The relationship between Russia and China is very transactional. It's not an ideology-based relationship. They both dislike the United States and dislike the U.S.-led world order, but aside from that, I don't think there's much there.

RFE/RL: Now that we've talked about the issue of what could be possible, what about the possible? Given the sanctions packages put forward against Russia, how likely is China to move forward on helping out the Russian economy as it goes into a tailspin? What scenarios seem likely in your mind?

Piatetsky: Really, with the exception [of] energy and wheat, which haven't been touched [so far] because those are Russian exports that also go to Europe, there really aren't that many options.

If we were to say specific ones, [they] would be to buy more Russian goods and extend loans to Russia. But [both] of those are essentially loss-making propositions for China and so what we're really talking about is what is the size of [an] aid package [to Russia from China] that could help.

I think if [China] were to do something it would probably be to buy more oil [and] extend various loans; but Russia, again, just does not produce that many different goods that China is going to want to buy.

RFE/RL: It sounds like you're not bullish on this idea that China is going to swing to Russia's rescue in some way and extend a financial lifeline?

Piatetsky: I think that's not going to happen [and] I would encourage people to put themselves in China's shoes here.

Why would they do that? China benefits from an economically weaker Russia. China does not have Russia's best interests in mind. They're not going to be interested in an economically stronger Russia that can throw its weight around, they don't like that.

China simply doesn't have the incentives to do it. If it did have the incentives, it wouldn't have a lot of ways short of providing massive loans, and those massive loans would essentially be aid -- and I think China doesn't want to do that. Russia [also] doesn't want to be seen as just receiving aid, they still want to be seen as strong.

RFE/RL: How do you see the economic hit from Russia affecting the wider region, especially across Central Asia and the Caucasus, which have deep ties to Russia's economy?

Piatetsky: For Central Asia, this is an absolute disaster, a lot of those economies are heavily remittance-dependent and with Russians losing money and Russians losing jobs, there are going to be less jobs all around.

There's not going to be any protection for Central Asian migrants that are losing jobs, many of [which] are unofficial. So, you're going to see Russians losing jobs [and] Central Asians will lose those jobs much quicker -- so will Georgians -- and the remittances that they were sending back to their home countries will also fall.

So, I would say Central Asia is definitely in for an extremely difficult time economically.

RFE/RL: Does that place China in a position to benefit? China has already been a growing force in this part of the world, is it well positioned to pick up the pieces, so to speak?

Piatetsky: The short answer is yes.

Like [U.S. President Joe] Biden said, Putin has badly miscalculated and I think those photos where you see him 20 feet away from his advisers, most of which are "yes men," shows the quality of the advice that he's getting.

He's had the unintended effect of rallying Europe and pushing the EU, potentially, into ditching Russian energy.

Putin has [also] tremendously strengthened [China]. China has the option now of either giving some sort of economic lifeline to Russia, which is unlikely, but if it did, it would make Russia [even more] dependent on China.

RFE/RL: Moving beyond countries like China, are there any other forms of relief or options on Moscow's table that can help lessen the hurt that has already hit and will be coming in the future?

Piatetsky: Stop the war, it's really that simple.

This is financial nuclear war and the level of sanctions that have been imposed on Russia are potentially more than what has been imposed on Iran, and this has occurred over the course of two weeks. Whereas for Iran, it occurred over the course of about 10 years.

So this is by far the largest sanctions event in history and it's being imposed by a global united front. You have not just the [United States] and the [EU], [but] you have Canada, Japan, Australia, and South Korea -- really every country with an economic hammer is using it -- and China is not coming to Russia's rescue.

Chinese President Xi Jinping (left) and Vladimir Putin share a vodka toast over Russian pancakes as Xi visits the 2018 Eastern Economic Forum on Russky Island.
Chinese President Xi Jinping (left) and Vladimir Putin share a vodka toast over Russian pancakes as Xi visits the 2018 Eastern Economic Forum on Russky Island.

[Short] of stopping the war and acceding to Europe's demands, there's not much they can do economically.

This doesn't mean Russia will have societal collapse and this doesn't mean that Russia will roll over [to Western demands]. Neither has North Korea or Iran, but what Russians are going to see is less income, less opportunities, less travel, [and] less goods.

Everything about living in Russia is about to get worse, and it's about to get worse for a long time, and it will continue to be essentially until Europe is willing to lift the sanctions.

Interview edited and condensed for clarity
Yilisen Aierken outside Almaty International Airport in 2019.
Yilisen Aierken outside Almaty International Airport in 2019.

As shock and panic hit Kyiv in the first few hours of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Yilisen Aierken, a 24-year-old ethnic Kazakh asylum-seeker from China, issued a desperate plea on his Twitter account.

“Please rescue me. I’m currently in Ukraine,” he said in a February 24 video posted on social media platforms as crowds of people with packed bags passed in the background outside a bus terminal in the Ukrainian capital. “I don’t want to die. I am lonely and helpless, please help me.”

Aierken (aka Ersin Erkinuly) applied for asylum in Ukraine after fleeing China’s western Xinjiang Province, where he believed he would be interned as part of a dragnet by the Chinese government that has put more than 1 million Uyghurs, ethnic Kazakhs, and other Muslim minorities into detention camps and prisons.

Now, after a week of war across Ukraine that has caused more than 2,000 civilian deaths and sparked a refugee crisis that the UN estimates could see 4 million people leave the country, Aierken has once again had to flee, this time joining the masses of Ukrainians heading west to countries like Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovakia on the European Union’s eastern flank.

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“I have no country anymore and [I feel] that I can no longer control my own destiny,” Aierken told RFE/RL as he left Kyiv. “I [do not] want to be waiting to die, I want [safety].”

Upon leaving Kyiv, Aierken made a high-stakes, multiday journey and arrived at the Polish border on March 1.

After a chaotic experience at the border and waiting multiple days in a separate line designated for foreigners and non-Ukrainians fleeing the war, he made it to a Ukrainian checkpoint and was stamped out of Ukraine on March 3 without problems, despite no longer having a passport and few other official documents.

After reaching the Polish side, he was detained and briefly moved to an asylum center where the Polish authorities are currently holding those crossing from Ukraine without proper documents or who are stateless, Leila Nazgul Seiitbek, a lawyer and chairwoman of the NGO Freedom For Eurasia who is assisting Aierken, told RFE/RL.

After several hours with border authorities and a review of his case, his asylum application was logged and Aierken has now been released into Poland.

“He must now reenter the entire asylum process,” Seiitbek said. “He’s still in quite a vulnerable position. Aierken and others like him have no embassy or anyone able to take care of them in their home countries.”

The Journey From China

As he now begins what is likely to be a long and complicated asylum process in Poland, the endeavor has brought back feelings for Aierken of his arduous journey leaving China.

“I just want to be able to live a life and have freedom,” Aierken said in a WhatsApp audio message before entering Poland. “I hope I do not go back to China.”

The risks waiting back in China are real for Aierken.

Chinese authorities have been accused of using forced birth control, indentured labor, and torture in the camp system in Xinjiang, where ethnic Kazakhs are the second-largest Muslim group after Uyghurs.

Beijing has repeatedly denied the allegations -- despite a growing wealth of evidence -- saying the camps were established to fight extremism and their use is justified.

For Aierken, the decision to leave became clear in 2019, as many people he knew -- especially other young men -- began to disappear into the vast camp network. To avoid being sent himself, he left Urumqi, the capital of Xinjiang, and took a flight to neighboring Kazakhstan.
After arriving in Kazakhstan in December 2019, he initially planned to stay in the country and received a residence permit. But he became dismayed and fearful as a result of his interactions with security services, who expressed hostility toward him and pressured him over his experiences in Xinjiang, Aierken said.

The Kazakh government enjoys a warm relationship with China and has walked a tightrope with Beijing over the issue of the Xinjiang internment camps, where many ethnic Kazakhs have been sent.

Kazakhstan has accepted some asylum applications from ethnic Kazakhs who crossed the border from China, but they have faced intimidation and pressure to stay quiet about their ordeal.

Worried about his future, Aierken flew to Ukraine in October 2020, where he initially tried to enter Poland, but was arrested and sent back to Ukraine, where he was also detained while stuck in the legal system until eventually logging an asylum application.

While waiting for a decision on his asylum status in Ukraine, Aierken faced intimidation and the prospect of being returned to China before a Ukrainian court ruled against it.

The Chinese Embassy in Kyiv also petitioned for his return to the country, writing in a letter to Ukraine’s State Migration Service, of which RFE/RL has obtained a copy, that Aierken wished to be returned to China and was lying about any persecution he faced in Xinjiang.

An undated photo of Yilisen Aierken while in a detention facility in Ukraine.
An undated photo of Yilisen Aierken while in a detention facility in Ukraine.

“We ask you to decline to grant refugee status to the above-mentioned individual in order to preserve a positive dynamic of constructive development between our two governments,” the letter states.

While waiting on a final ruling on his status in Ukraine, Aierken was allowed to live freely there, but says that he became scared about staying in the country after two strangers threatened to kill him unless he returned to China.

Fearful and panicked, he decided to leave Ukraine for Slovakia in August 2021, where he was arrested and initially faced deportation to China before the intervention of Rayhan Asat, a Connecticut-based Uyghur human rights lawyer who argued for his release back to Ukraine, where he stayed until the outbreak of the war.

“He was still in [legal] limbo, but at least he was safe,” Asat told RFE/RL. “He thought he could have a new life in Ukraine, but he’s had to rethink everything and once again run for his life.”

Another Crisis

The United Nations Human Right Commissioner said on March 3 that at least 1 million people have fled Ukraine since Russia launched its war, with more than 505,000 people going to Poland.

Makeshift accommodation is being set up across the country, and Poles are helping Ukrainians on a massive scale, transporting them across the border, hosting them in their homes, and feeding and clothing them.

But a more arduous and perhaps less-welcoming path lies ahead for Aierken and other asylum-seekers fleeing Ukraine.

Refugees from Ukraine arrive at the railway station in Przemysl, Poland, on February 27.
Refugees from Ukraine arrive at the railway station in Przemysl, Poland, on February 27.

In the years leading up to the Russian invasion, Poland’s government has taken a hard line on migrants trying to enter the country. The army and border guards also have pushed asylum seekers from the Middle East and Africa back into Belarus in December after Belarusian strongman Alyaksandr Lukashenka’s government flew in migrants and funneled them to the borders of EU member states like Poland.

Amid the mass exodus from Ukraine, many international students and other foreigners attempting to leave the country also say they have experienced racist treatment by Ukrainian security forces and border officials.

The UN Refugee Agency raised the issue on March 2 and pleaded for more compassion for non-Europeans and refugees from other nations fleeing Ukraine.

Asat says that -- now that an application for asylum has occurred -- Aierken must wait in Poland for a ruling on his case, which could take anywhere from months to years as the Polish government deals with a massive influx of refugees and asylum-seekers that could overburden the country’s immigration system.

“We’ve entered into a bit of uncharted territory now with the refugee crisis,” said Asat. “But he should have some protection now.”

Upon being released by Polish authorities, Aierken sent RFE/RL a text message that he had crossed into Poland successfully:

“I am free,” the note read.

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About The Newsletter

China In Eurasia
Reid Standish

In recent years, it has become impossible to tell the biggest stories shaping Eurasia without considering China’s resurgent influence in local business, politics, security, and culture.

Subscribe to this biweekly dispatch in which correspondent Reid Standish builds on the local reporting from RFE/RL’s journalists across Eurasia to give you unique insights into Beijing’s ambitions and challenges.

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