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A screengrab from a 2013 YouTube video purportedly showing Kazakh jihadists in Syria
A screengrab from a 2013 YouTube video purportedly showing Kazakh jihadists in Syria

Citizens of Central Asia seem to be present wherever a Sunni Muslim group has declared jihad.

Uzbeks, in particular, but also Tajiks, Kyrgyz, Kazakhs, and Turkmen have joined groups in nearby Afghanistan and Pakistan and also further away, in Yemen, Syria, and Iraq.

Jihadist groups highly value these Central Asian recruits, and there is incentive for Central Asians to join.

RFE/RL’s Turkmen Service organized a panel discussion to examine Central Asia’s militants -- what makes them desirable to various jihadist groups and what stirs the desire of some Central Asians to leave home and wage jihad.

Turkmen Service Director Muhammad Tahir moderated the talk.

Participating were Edward Lemon, a doctoral candidate from Exeter University in England who has conducted in-depth research on Islamic radicalization in Tajikistan; Jozef Lang, a Central Asian analyst at the Center for Eastern Studies in Warsaw and author of a number of articles on Central Asian militants, including “The Radical Militants of Central Asia”; and Joanna Paraszczuk, the author of RFE/RL’s new blog “Under the Black Flag,” which has been chronicling issues surrounding the Islamic State militant group. And I said a few things, naturally.

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One of the greatest attributes of Central Asian fighters first became evident some 15 years ago when they appeared in Afghanistan and Pakistan’s tribal areas: They are literate.

A benefit of decades of Soviet rule was a literacy rate of some 97 percent. That is certainly one of the highest rates among Muslim countries. In neighboring Afghanistan, for example, the literacy rate is about 30 percent.

The Uzbeks from the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) gained a reputation as the chief bomb makers in Afghanistan and Pakistan’s tribal areas. They were able to read manuals on mixing explosives and building bombs.

As Lang said, these Uzbeks “teach…how to construct IEDs and other explosive devices, which is the technical knowledge needed by the Taliban.”

Lang noted that the original IMU leader, Juma Namangani, was a soldier in the Red Army during the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan. Namangani became an Islamic militant and used his Soviet military training to great effect in Tajikistan’s civil war, brief insurgencies in Central Asia’s Ferghana Valley, and in the service of the Taliban.

Lang said some of the new Central Asians recruits fighting abroad have some military background. There are also those who have been fighting in Afghanistan and Pakistan for years and now have ample tactical battlefield experience.

The IMU took part in the well-coordinated June attack on the Karachi airport that left 36 people dead, including the 10 attackers.

Paraszczuk also noted the Central Asians are good with social media and that that experience is now working in support of the Islamic State militant group.

“The major Uzbek group in Syria has a website and a video channel and a Twitter account, for example,” Paraszczuk said.

The IMU has been running a website for a decade now and has been regularly posting videos from Pakistan’s tribal area.

Lemon said the Central Asians now supporting IS militants are helping send IS propaganda back to the former Soviet Union.

“They're using VKontakte, they're using Odnoklassniki -- the main Russian-language social networks. They're using videos and the social media very effectively,” Lemon said.

Certainly, any militant group would be looking to recruit more members, but all the panelists agreed there seems to be a preference for bringing in Central Asians.

But why are the Central Asians interested in joining militant groups?

The obvious answer is a sense of religious duty, helping out fellow Muslims.

But it is unclear how strongly that call resonates among the Muslims in Central Asia. Those who left Central Asia and went to Afghanistan and Pakistan were certainly aware that an austere lifestyle awaited them.

For those joining IS, the picture is more complicated.

Various figures have been given for how many have gone to Syria, with the most alarmist estimates, mainly from Russian sources, putting the number as high as 5,000. The roundtable panelists believe the number of Central Asians fighting in Syria and Iraq is closer to about 1,000.

Even then, it remains unclear how many actually packed their bags in Central Asia and left for Syria. Lemon pointed out that of the militants from Tajikistan he profiled, “the vast majority were recruited in Russia, so most of them…went to Russia in search of work, were radicalized in Russia, and then moved to Syria.”

There are millions of Central Asians in Russia working as migrant laborers. Lemon said that in the cases of the Tajik militants he researched, “Most of these young men, before going to Russia, were not religious. They were not particularly pious…”

Many of the Central Asians now in Syria and Iraq were first in Russian cities, part of the army of migrant laborers sweeping Russia’s streets, shoveling snow, and breaking ice off rooftops, then likely spending their nights in crowded quarters occupied by dozens of other migrant laborers.

Paraszczuk said the living conditions for migrant laborers contrast strongly with the propaganda the IS offers.

“What I'm seeing is -- not just with Central Asians but also with other militants from the former Soviet Union -- is that people are being given a sense of mission," she said. "If before they were a nobody in Moscow with a menial job, they're now someone who's leading a brigade, they're taking part in an operation to liberate a town…”

And Lemon added that for some Central Asians there is a certain romance about fighting in the Middle East, an area from which Central Asia was entirely cut off during its time as part of the Soviet Union.

Plus, there’s the money.

The chairman of Kyrgyzstan’s State Committee for National Security, Taalai Japarov, said in September that he had heard Islamic State militants were offering $1,000 a day to fighters.

That figure is unlikely, but based on what some of these Central Asian militants are saying, IS pays significantly more than the average migrant laborer makes in Russia. And, of course, in Syria and Iraq they are given their own rooms, they believe themselves to be heroes -- mujahedin -- as opposed to being looked down upon and worrying about being beaten, or worse, by nationalists in Russia.

-- Bruce Pannier

A man returning from a bazaar in the Ferghana city in eastern Uzbekistan.
A man returning from a bazaar in the Ferghana city in eastern Uzbekistan.

Once again Qishloq Ovozi is pleased to present not one, but two, of the up-and-coming authorities in the field of Central Asian studies. Till Mostowlansky reviews the new book by Madeleine Reeves about one of Central Asia's "hot spots" in the Ferghana Valley. I know, and have great respect, for both Till and Madeleine. Both have lived in Central Asia and conducted extensive fieldwork there, and both are members of the Central Eurasian Scholars and Media Initiative.

In the course of the past year, reports of violent clashes and shoot-outs at the Tajik-Kyrgyz border in Central Asia's Ferghana Valley have frequently featured in the news. Since many readers are unaccustomed with the politics of Central Asia, to them the conflict appears as strange and far off. An image of a region ripe with irrational struggle and ethnic strife has been created. At the same time, media coverage has mainly shied away from the questions of why such events happen and what this actually means for day-to-day life in the Ferghana Valley. In her book "Border Work: Spatial Lives of the State in Rural Central Asia," Madeleine Reeves explores possible answers to these questions, based on a decade of anthropological field research.

Reeves's monograph focuses on the borderland of Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan at the southern edge of the Ferghana Valley. Marked by enclaves and undefined sections of the frontier, this region is the starting point for a sharp analysis of "border work" -- a term the author employs to describe "the messy, contested and often intensely social business of making territory 'integral.'" (6) At the same time, Reeves also aspires to go beyond the particular case of the Ferghana Valley and to contribute to the global study of borders.

The book manages to meet these high expectations due to its historical and contemporary profoundness. Analysts of Central Asia often locate the source of border conflicts either in the (Soviet) past or the (post-Soviet) present. In contrast, "Border Work" clearly shows that understandings of what borders are and what they are supposed to do have been and are constantly changing. Reeves' critical review of the historical standard narrative of the Central Asian republics' territorial delimitation in the 1920s is a prime example. From this perspective Soviet border drawing in the Ferghana Valley happened in the early period of the union and came to an end in 1927. However, Reeves argues that such border-moving and delimitation actually happened throughout the 20th century and has continued to happen since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. In concrete terms this means that particular (border) conflicts in the Ferghana Valley have their specific histories which can be very recent.

Cover photo by Igor Rotar
Cover photo by Igor Rotar

Taking one of these small-scale conflicts in the border zone of Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan as an example, Reeves manages to trace and follow the genealogy of a specific event into intimate parts of everyday life in the region. This particular conflict began to evolve in spring 2005 when two Tajik school boys from a village at the southern limit of the Sokh enclave (belonging to Uzbekistan) got badly beaten by Kyrgyz border guards. The boys had taken their cattle across the invisible border with Kyrgyzstan due to a lack of pastures on their side. After having caught them without documentation, the Kyrgyz border guards taught the boys a brutal lesson for having illegally entered Kyrgyzstan. Soon after, an ethnicised conflict involving Tajiks and Kyrgyz on both sides of the border emerged.

Such an event shows that a hardly noticeable border, which cuts through customary access to water and land, is prone to being contested. It also emphasises that ordinary people are involved and are actively constructing and challenging what politicians and planners once defined as a border. Reeves therefore suggests that we take local people's experiences of arbitrary border enforcement seriously and move away from the idea that better delimitation will also bring more security. In contrast, she maintains that the densely intertwined lives of the border population should be considered in order to establish trans-boundary peace.

The strength of Reeves' argument lies in the fact that she has the ability and willingness to connect ethnographic details from the Ferghana Valley with broader narratives of Central Asian statehood and beyond. This approach makes reading her book a pleasurable and inspiring endeavour exactly because the reader gets an idea of how complex states function in Central Asia, but also more generally. At the same time, she presents a theoretical framework that prevents the reader from getting lost in the multifariousness of ethnography.

Reeves' insistence on looking at the gaps "both in the border fence, and between 'law' and 'life'" (242) renders this study a recommendable read for scholars, policy-makers, NGO workers, and travellers of the Ferghana Valley alike. Against such a backdrop, Central Asian borders and the conflicts that surround them are neither far distant events nor simply "a post-Soviet curiosity" (243). Thus, if anthropologists, as it is sometimes said, should not only be critical scholars but also journalists and balanced advisers, then this is anthropology at its best.

-- Till Mostowlansky

Dr. Till Mostowlansky is a postdoctoral researcher at the University of Bern, Switzerland, where he also teaches Central Asian Studies and the Science of Religion. He holds a Ph.D in Central Asian Studies from the University of Bern (2013) titled "Azan on the Moon: Entangling Modernities along Tajikistan's Pamir Highway." Mostowlansky is the author of the monograph "Islam und Kirgisen on Tour: Die Rezeption 'nomadischer Religion' und ihre Wirkung ("Islam and Kyrgyz on Tour: The Perception of 'Nomadic Religion' and Its Effect") as well as several articles on local history, modernity, and development in Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Pakistan.
Dr. Madeleine Reeves is a lecturer in social anthropology at the University of Manchester and holds a Ph.D from the University of Cambridge. She has previously taught in the departments of Sociology and Cultural Anthropology and Archaeology at the American University-Central Asia in Bishkek. She has conducted research in Kyrgyzstan since 1999, writing on issues of language policy, rural schooling, labour migration, and local encounters with the state, as well as on the everyday working of new international borders in the Ferghana valley.

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About This Blog

Qishloq Ovozi is a blog by RFE/RL Central Asia specialist Bruce Pannier that aims to look at the events that are shaping Central Asia and its respective countries, connect the dots to shed light on why those processes are occurring, and identify the agents of change.​

The name means "Village Voice" in Uzbek. But don't be fooled, Qishloq Ovozi is about all of Central Asia.

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